Сопоставительное исследование ориентационных метафор в британском политическом дискурсе начала XX и начала XXI веков тема диссертации и автореферата по ВАК РФ 00.00.00, кандидат наук Дубин Павел Павлович

• Дубин Павел Павлович
• кандидат наук
• 2022

Оглавление диссертации кандидат наук Дубин Павел Павлович

Введение

Глава 1. Теоретическо-методологические основы сопоставительного подхода при изучении метафоричности политического дискурса

1.1. Метафора как многоплановый объект научного исследования

1.2. Ориентационная метафора как одна из базовых структур человеческого мышления

1.3. Специфика сопоставительного подхода в политической метафорологии

1.4. Политическая лингвистика ХХ и XXI веков

Выводы по Главе

Глава 2. Ориентационные метафоры в британском политическом дискурсе начала ХХ века

2.1. Характеристика ретроспективного среза Великобритании

2.2. Ориентационные метафоры в первом десятилетии ХХ века

2.3. Ориентационные метафоры во втором десятилетии ХХ века

2.4. Цифровизация и визуализация метафорического потенциала при

исследовании выступлений начала ХХ века

Выводы по Главе

Глава 3. Ориентационные метафоры в британском политическом дискурсе начала ХХ! века

3.1. Характеристика синхронного среза Великобритании

3.2. Ориентационные метафоры в первом десятилетии ХХ1 века

3.3. Ориентационные метафоры во втором десятилетии ХХ1 века

3.4. Цифровизация и визуализация метафорического потенциала при

исследовании выступлений начала ХХ1 века

Выводы по Главе

Заключение

Список литературы

Список лексикографических источников

Список источников языкового материала

Приложение 1. Ориентационные метафоры в арсенале британских политиков в

период с 1901 по 1910 гг

Приложение 2. Ориентационные метафоры в арсенале британских политиков в

период с 1911 по 1920 гг

Приложение 3. Ориентационные метафоры в арсенале британских политиков в

период с 2001 по 2010 гг

Приложение 4. Ориентационные метафоры в арсенале британских политиков в период с 2011 по 2020 гг

Введение диссертации (часть автореферата) на тему «Сопоставительное исследование ориентационных метафор в британском политическом дискурсе начала XX и начала XXI веков»

Введение

Настоящее диссертационное исследование посвящено сопоставительному изучению ориентационных метафор, выявленных в официальных выступлениях британских политических деятелей начала ХХ и начала XXI веков.

Затрагивая несколько направлений современной лингвистики, данная работа функционирует на стыке определенных дисциплин: политической и когнитивной лингвистики, метафорологии, сопоставительного языкознания.

Появление политической метафорологии как результата слияния политической лингвистики и собственно метафорологии характеризуется обновленным пониманием роли метафоры в политической жизни и жизни человека вообще. Метафоры, применяемые в глобальном политическом дискурсе, становятся объектом исследований многих российских [Аникин, Будаев, Чудинов 2015б; Борискина 2011; Будаев 2007, 2009, 2010а, 2010б; Будаев, Чудинов 2020; Карамова 2013; Никифорова 2010; Солопова 2014, 2015, 2017; Солопова, Чудинов 2021а, 2021б; Чудинов 2017; Чудинов, Будаев, Скворцов 2019; Чудинов, Будаев, Солопова 2020 и др.] и зарубежных ученых [Miller 1979; Musolff 2013, 2016; Osborn 1967, 1977]. Отметим, что политическая метафорология не отказалась от той базы знаний, которую предлагают традиционные учения о метафоре, но предложила исследовать хорошо знакомый феномен с другой, когнитивной точки зрения, используя при этом новые, современные принципы.

Активно разрабатывать проблему ориентационных метафор лингвисты начали с 80-х годов XX века, когда Джордж Лакофф и Марк Джонсон выделили их в отдельную категорию концептуальных метафор. Анализ и категоризация пространственных отношений широко представлены в научном мире [Антонова 2015; Антонян 2009, 2014; Вэй, Еремина 2019; Гусейн-Заде 2012; Калугина 2012; Маляр 2012; Петрова 2014; Сегал 2012, 2017а, 2017б; Титова 2014; Ябжанова 2017; Nguyen 2015; Pietrareanu 2015; Shih-Wei 2017; Yunusoglu 2015 и др.]. Однако исследования пространственной концептуализации ориентационных метафор в

политическом дискурсе остаются немногочисленными [Белов 2010; Воронцова 2019; Русова 2011а, 2011б, 2012; Шустрова 2015].

Актуальность проделанного исследования заключается в корреляции выбранной темы, эмпирического материала и его методов с ведущими и активно развивающимися областями лингвистической науки. Немаловажным фактором является обращение к особенностям употребления пространственных концептов в политической коммуникации, что связано с потребностью в анализе и идентификации тех или иных метафорических моделей. С помощью получаемой информации мы можем проследить, как геополитическая обстановка отражается на языковой картине мира отдельной страны. Активное развитие сопоставительной политической метафорологии и отсутствие подобного всестороннего анализа ориентационных метафор в политическом дискурсе определили актуальность выбранной темы исследования.

Объектом исследования являются ориентационные метафоры в выступлениях политических лидеров Великобритании первых двух десятилетий ХХ и ХХ1 веков.

Предметом исследования являются диахронические преобразования систем ориентационных метафор, используемых в выступлениях политических лидеров Великобритании первых двух десятилетий ХХ и ХХ! веков.

Материалом для исследования послужили ежегодные официальные речи политических деятелей Соединенного Королевства начала ХХ и начала ХХ1 веков, которые представлены на архивных сайтах:

http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org, https://wwi.lib.byu.edu, https://conservative-speeches.sayit.mysociety.org, https://www.americanrhetoric.com; на сайтах британских периодических изданий: https://www.theguardian.com,

https://www.independent.co.uk, http://news.bbc.co.uk, https://www.telegraph.co.uk, https://www.newstatesman.com, https://www.spectator.co.uk,

https://www.politicshome.com; на официальных сайтах партии или отдельного политика: https://www.conservatives.com, https://winstonchurchill.org. Анализу были подвергнуты 40 официальных выступлений; в ходе работы были

идентифицированы 2 393 ориентационные метафоры. Отобранный материал был структурирован в отдельные пространственные оппозиции, из которых были вычленены архетипичные и вариативные метафорические модели, доминирующие сферы-источники. Для статистической обработки и последующей визуализации полученных количественных и качественных результатов были использованы специальные компьютерные средства. Графики для каждого столетия (с 1901 по 1920 гг. и с 2001 по 2020 гг.), а также сравнительные (диахронические) графики в настоящем диссертационном исследовании были сформированы с помощью программы визуализации данных iNZight, разработанной в Оклендском университете, Новая Зеландия. Круговые и линейчатые диаграммы, присутствующие в работе, были построены с помощью программы визуализации данных DataHero, разработанной в Сан-Франциско, штат Калифорния. Обработка метафорических метрик с использованием современного программного обеспечения позволила наглядно представить собранный материал.

Целью работы является выявление динамики систем ориентационных метафор в выступлениях политических деятелей Великобритании начала ХХ века, с одной стороны, а с другой - начала ХХ1 века. Подобный подход позволит достоверно проследить их историческую эволюцию под влиянием тех или иных геополитических событий.

Для достижения поставленной цели последовательно решаются следующие задачи:

- обобщить отечественные и зарубежные достижения в политической метафорологии, выделить ее перспективные направления и теоретически обосновать предложенную методику исследования;

- проанализировать ориентационную метафорику, употребляемую британскими политиками начала ХХ века;

- проанализировать ориентационную метафорику, употребляемую британскими политиками начала ХХ1 века;

- выявить и сопоставить схожие и различающиеся доминантные метафорические модели ориентационных метафор в политическом дискурсе Великобритании начала ХХ и начала XXI веков;

- теоретически обосновать положение о том, что использование средств цифровизации и визуализации данных позволяет, с одной стороны, обнаружить существенные свойства исследуемых метафорических систем, а с другой - полнее отразить и аргументировать выявленные закономерности;

- зафиксировать наличие (или отсутствие) временных изменений в системе ориентационных метафор в британском политическом дискурсе начала ХХ и начала XXI веков.

Теоретико-методологическую базу исследования определили работы отечественных и зарубежных лингвистов в области сопоставительной политической метафорологии [Аникин, Будаев, Чудинов 2015а; Балашова 1998, 2014; Баранова, Караулов 1991, 1994; Будаев 2016, 2019, 2020; Будаев, Чудинов 2020; Будаев, Кондратьева, Нахимова, Чудинов 2016; Быкова 2014; Кондратьева 2014, 2018; Кондратьева, Ковалева 2016; Солопова 2013, 2016, 2019; Солопова, Чудинов 2018; Чудакова 2005 и др.], теории метафоры [Арутюнова 1978; Баранов 2014; Lakoff, Johnson 1981; Wheelwright 1973 и др.], политической лингвистики [Будаев 2006; Будаев, Чудинов 2006а, 2006б, 2013; Будаев, Дзюба, Ворошилова, Красильникова 2011; Нахимова, Скворцов 2019; Чудинов 2016а, 2016б, 2016в; Dijk 1998; Landtsheer 1991; Musolff 2004; McNair 2011 и др.], лингвокультурологии и лингвоконцептологии [Воркачев 2003; Телия 1988; Карасик 2004 и др.], когнитивной лингвистики [Демьянков 1994; Кобозева 2000; Красных 1999; Кубрякова 2000; Лакофф, Джонсон 2008; Попова, Стернин 2007; Скребцова 2011 и др.], лингвистики текста и теории дискурса [Арутюнова 1999; Борботько 2010; Дейк 1989; Макаров 2003 и др.].

Выбор методов исследования определен спецификой цели и задач диссертации. В работе использованы разные методы научного познания: общенаучные (наблюдение, анализ, синтез, моделирование), частные научные методы (когнитивно-дискурсивный метод, диахронический анализ, метод

метафорического моделирования), а также описательный метод, элементы квантитативного анализа и обработки языкового материала.

Положения диссертационного исследования, выносимые на защиту:

1. В британском политическом дискурсе существуют ориентационные метафоры, которые содержат в себе метафорические модели с измененной парадигмой. Например, ПРОШЛОЕ НАПРАВЛЕНО ВВЕРХ, БУДУЩЕЕ НАПРАВЛЕНО ВНИЗ, ПЛОХОЕ ОРИЕНТИРОВАНО НАВЕРХ, ХОРОШЕЕ ОРИЕНТИРОВАНО ВНИЗ.

2. Политические волнения приводят к увеличению ориентационных метафор с измененной парадигмой в британском политическом дискурсе начала ХХ и начала XXI веков.

3. Ориентационные метафоры могут находиться на стыке двух метафорических моделей. Например, метафора "to be under illusion" отражает модели ПОДЧИНЕНИЕ КОНТРОЛЮ ИЛИ СИЛЕ ОРИЕНТИРОВАНО ВНИЗ и БЕССОЗНАТЕЛЬНОЕ СОСТОЯНИЕ НАПРАВЛЕНО ВНИЗ.

4. Метафорические модели первых двух десятилетий XXI века более разнообразны, чем метафорические модели первых двух десятилетий ХХ века.

5. Использование средств цифровизации и визуализации данных позволяет, с одной стороны, обнаружить существенные свойства исследуемых метафорических систем, а с другой - полнее отразить и аргументировать выявленные закономерности.

6. Метафорический потенциал британского политического дискурса в период с 1901 по 1920 гг. ниже, чем метафорический потенциал британского политического дискурса в период с 2001 по 2020 гг.

Научная новизна работы заключается в выделении комбинированной позиции, которая включает в себя совокупность нескольких ориентационных метафор. В ходе проведения исследования были дополнены формулировки некоторых пространственных метафорических моделей в соответствии с требованием времени, а также детально охарактеризованы причины появления вариативных метафорических моделей в политическом дискурсе ХХ1 века.

Вследствие отбора и анализа большой базы примеров были систематизированы наиболее популярные средства репрезентации ориентационных метафор в британском политическом дискурсе начала XX и начала XXI веков.

Теоретическая значимость основных результатов исследования предопределена его актуальностью и научной новизной. Доказано, что обострение международной обстановки оказывает существенное влияние на систему ориентационных метафор. На примере отобранного языкового материала показана эволюция способов репрезентации ориентационных метафор. Кроме того, на основе имеющихся количественных и качественных данных была обоснована необходимость в составлении собственной формулы подсчета метафорического потенциала отдельных выступлений британских политиков ХХ и XXI веков. Полученные результаты дополняют имеющуюся информацию о тенденциях развития сопоставительной политической метафорологии, а также способствуют дальнейшему всестороннему рассмотрению ориентационных метафор.

Практическая ценность диссертации определяется возможностью использования ее материалов в процессе профессиональной подготовки специалистов в области лингвистики и переводоведения, межкультурной коммуникации, политологии, истории. Результаты исследования можно использовать на занятиях со студентами по политической лингвистике, стилистике текста, когнитивной лингвистике, метафорологии, сопоставительному языкознанию, лингвокультурологии, а также при подготовке учебных и методических пособий по соответствующим дисциплинам.

Апробация результатов исследования. Диссертация обсуждалась на заседаниях кафедры лингвистики и переводоведения Сургутского государственного университета.

Основные теоретические положения и результаты данной диссертации были изложены в виде докладов на четырех научных конференциях: XXII открытой региональной студенческой научной конференции имени Г. И. Назина «Наука 60-й параллели» (Сургут, 2018), Всероссийской научно-практической

школе «Массмедийная политическая коммуникация: методы и приемы лингвистического анализа и лингвистической экспертизы» (Екатеринбург, 2018), VII Всероссийской конференции молодых ученых «Наука и инновации XXI века» (Сургут, 2020), XXII Международной научно-практической конференции «Лингвистика, перевод и межкультурная коммуникация» (Екатеринбург, 2020).

По теме диссертации опубликованы 11 научных работ, среди них 5 статей в журналах (2 в соавторстве), которые входят в Перечень рецензируемых научных изданий, рекомендованных ВАК при Министерстве науки и высшего образования Российской Федерации:

1. Дубин, П. П. Отражение исходных и фактических значений ориентационных метафор в британском политическом дискурсе за 2012-2017 годы / И. А. Курбанов, П. П. Дубин // Современная наука: актуальные проблемы теории и практики. Серия: Гуманитарные науки. - 2018. - № 11. - С. 144-147.

2. Дубин, П. П. Пространственные оппозиции на политической арене Великобритании / П. П. Дубин // Политическая лингвистика. - 2020. - № 3 (81). -С. 68-76.

3. Дубин, П. П. Социально-дискурсивное сопоставление ориентационных метафор в политической жизни Великобритании начала ХХ века / П. П. Дубин // Филологические науки. Вопросы теории и практики. - 2021. - № 3. - С. 874-880.

4. Дубин, П. П. Применение программ визуализации данных в ракурсе диахронического сопоставления британского политического дискурса ХХ и XXI веков (на материале ориентационных метафор) / П. П. Дубин, А. С. Назин // Политическая лингвистика. - 2021. - № 4 (88). - С. 35-45.

5. Дубин, П. П. Статистический эксперимент над метафорическими переменными / П. П. Дубин // Политическая лингвистика. - 2022. - № 2 (92). - С. 75-84.

Одна монография (в соавторстве):

6. Курбанов, И. А. Когнитивное исследование ориентационной метафоры в политическом дискурсе : монография / И. А. Курбанов, П. П. Дубин ; Сургут. гос. ун-т. - Сургут : ИЦ СурГУ, 2020. - 78 с.

Пять статей в других сборниках научных работ и периодических изданиях:

7. Дубин, П. П. Особенности когнитивного подхода при исследовании ориентационной метафоры в дискурсе СМИ (на материале официальных выступлений Т. Мэй) / П. П. Дубин // Проблемы, перспективы и направления инновационного развития науки : сборник статей Международной научно-практической конференции (8 июля 2017 г., г. Пермь) : в 3 ч. Ч. 2. - Уфа : МЦИИ ОМЕГА САЙНС, 2017. - С. 157-161.

8. Дубин, П. П. Когнитивное исследование ориентационной метафоры в политическом дискурсе (на материале официальных выступлений британских политиков за 2015-2017 годы) / П. П. Дубин // Наука и инновации XXI века : материалы IV Всероссийской конференции молодых ученых (г. Сургут, 30 ноября 2017 г.) : в 3 т. Т. III / Сургутский гос. ун-т. - Сургут : ИЦ СурГУ, 2017. - С. 2023.

9. Дубин, П. П. Когнитивный анализ ориентационных метафор с оппозицией «верх-низ» на материале выступлений Артура Бальфура / П. П. Дубин // Вестник Шадринского государственного педагогического университета. - 2019. - № 3 (43). - С. 262-266.

10. Дубин, П. П. Ориентационные метафоры британских политических деятелей в ретроспективном срезе 1900-1910 годов / П. П. Дубин // Лингвистика, перевод, межкультурная коммуникация : мате-риалы XXII научно-практической конференции 20 ноября 2020 г. / отв. ред. И. А. Вылегжанина. - Екатеринбург : ООО Универсальная Типография «Альфа Принт», 2021. - С. 245-248.

11. Дубин, П. П. Оппозиция «право-лево» в ориентационных метафорах премьер-министра Великобритании Д. Кэмерона / П. П. Дубин // Наука и инновации XXI века : сб. ст. по материалам VII Всерос. конф. молодых ученых (г. Сургут) : в 2 т. Т. 2 / Сургут. гос. ун-т. - Сургут : ИЦ СурГУ, 2021. - С. 10-13.

Кроме того, отдельные материалы исследования были представлены на Международном конкурсе выпускных квалификационных работ "Шегс1оуег-2018" (Нижний Новгород, 10 июля 2018 года) в номинации «Магистерская диссертация» по направлению «Филологические науки», где работа получила диплом лауреата конкурса.

Структура работы определяется последовательностью решения задач исследования. Диссертация состоит из введения, трех глав, заключения, списка использованной литературы, лексикографических источников и источников языкового материала, а также четырех приложений.

В первой главе приводятся основные классификации метафор и устанавливаются базовые термины, используемые в исследовании. Описывается процесс становления политической лингвистики в период ХХ и XXI веков, а также обосновывается значимость рассмотрения ориентационных метафор как основополагающих структур человеческого сознания. Обобщаются подходы сопоставительного исследования, и структурируется методологическая база.

Во второй и третьей главах приводятся способы репрезентации ориентационных метафор, анализируются метафорические модели в ретроспективном и синхронном срезах, обозначаются доминантные метафорические концепты и выделяются архетипичные и инновационные модели в рамках соответствующих временных периодов, на основе разработанных метрик делаются выводы о метафоричности того или иного периода.

В заключении описывается сопоставительный диахронический анализ полученных материалов, который подводит основные итоги исследования.

В библиографическом разделе представлены списки литературы, лексикографических источников и источников языкового материала с указанием ссылок на все сетевые ресурсы.

В четырех приложениях представлены ориентационные метафоры, которые относятся к каждому из четырех исследованных десятилетий.

Глава 1. Теоретическо-методологические основы сопоставительного подхода при изучении метафоричности политического дискурса

Целью главы является рассмотрение основных теоретическо-методологических аспектов сопоставительного исследования, используемых при анализе метафор в политическом дискурсе. Для достижения сформулированной цели необходимо решить следующие задачи:

- привести основные классификации метафор и определить базовые понятия, используемые в исследовании;

- рассмотреть специфику употребления ориентационных метафор и обосновать значимость их изучения;

- обобщить подходы сопоставительного исследования и охарактеризовать используемые методы;

- описать процесс развития политической лингвистики ХХ и XXI веков.

1.1. Метафора как многоплановый объект научного исследования

Метафора занимает особое место в системе языка, а в последнее время наблюдается все большее ее проникновение в различные сферы человеческого общения. Следует отметить, что в науке нет единого мнения по поводу толкования термина «метафора». В данном параграфе мы подробно рассмотрим понятие метафоры, а также приведем ее основные классификации.

Метафорология как область науки сложилась в 30-е гг. XX века, и с этих пор она является дискуссионным полем лингвистического научного исследования, как и сам ее объект - метафора. Например, О. Н. Лагута отмечает, что «только глубокое всестороннее исследование национальных метафорик и изучение истории их формирования позволит описать общую метафорику, то есть универсальные законы метафорогенной деятельности человека и систему результатов этой деятельности» [Лагута 2003: 104]. База знаний научного мира на данную тему богата как отечественными [Арутюнова 1978; Баранов 2014;

Глазунова 2000; Москвин 2006; Петров 1988; Скляревская 1993; Хахалова 1998 и др.], так и зарубежными трудами [Coenen 2002; Debatin 1995; Goatly 1996, 1997, 2007; Kittay 1987; Kovecses 2000, 2002, 2005; Lakoff, Johnson 1981; Wheelwright 1973; Wierzbicka 1986 и др.].

Как указано в труде «Теория метафоры» под редакцией Н. Д. Арутюновой и М. А. Журинской [Теория метафоры 1990], проблема изучения метафор возникла еще в античное время. Над ней работали многие философы и ученые: от Аристотеля до Жана-Жака Руссо и Фридриха Гегеля и далее до Эрнста Кассирера, Хосе Ортеги-и-Гассета и многих других деятелей науки. В рамках метафорологии написано множество трудов, как научных, так и художественных. В изучении метафоры до сих пор доминирует сила традиции, но было бы неверно думать, что оно поддерживается только ею. Напротив, подобное языковое явление становится все более интенсивным и быстро расширяется, захватывая смежные области -философию, логику, психологию, литературоведение, теорию искусств, семиотику, риторику, разные школы лингвистики. Интерес к метафоре поспособствовал идейной консолидации названных направлений научной мысли. Следствием такого взаимодействия стало формирование и развитие когнитивной науки, целью которой является исследование человеческого сознания.

Согласно точке зрения В. В. Петрова [Петров 1988], ядерная структура человеческого разума заложена в процессах усвоения, обработки и трансформации знания, которые представляют собой взаимодействие неделимых когнитивных функций человеческого мозга (восприятие речи и формирование мысли, язык, память). Именно эти понятия, по мнению ученого, легли в основу метафоры.

В своей работе «Россия в метафорическом зеркале» А. П. Чудинов [Чудинов 2001] отмечает, что в центре научных интересов современной когнитивной лингвистики мы можем наблюдать изучение метафоры. Однако это научное направление отказалось от традиционного трактования метафоры как «сокращенного сравнения», одного из средств «украшения» речи, а также от характерного для генеративистики (Л. Н. Мурзин, Н. Хомский и др.)

представления о метафоре как о корреляции двух базовых (глубинных) структур. Когнитивная лингвистика отказалась и от структуралистской направленности на изучение метафоры с точки зрения только языковых закономерностей. Современная когнитивистика во главе с такими учеными, как Н. Д. Арутюнова, А. Н. Баранов, Ю. Н. Караулов, Е. С. Кубрякова, Дж. Лакофф и М. Джонсон, под метафорой понимает, в первую очередь, основную ментальную операцию или способ познания, структурирования и категоризации окружающей нас действительности. По мнению когнитивистов, люди используют метафорические единицы не только как средство выражения своих мыслей, но и сами эти мысли зарождаются с помощью метафор, образуя тот мир, в котором мы живем.

На рубеже веков проблема изучения метафоры перешла из риторики и стилистики в сферу практической речи. Метафора стала ключом к пониманию человеческого мышления, функций сознания и окружающей нас действительности. С помощью нее ученые стремятся познать фундаментальные понятия мыслетворческой системы человеческого мозга и процессов создания национальной картины мира.

Подобный подход привел к разбалансировке метафоры в научной сфере. Этим термином стали называть любой способ передачи образности слова, которую часто можно встретить в художественной литературе, живописи, кинематографе. Как пишет Н. Д. Арутюнова в сборнике «Теория метафоры» [Теория метафоры 1990], ученые в своих работах стали меньше обращать внимание на различие между метафорой, используемой в качестве номинативного приема, и метафорой, сдвигающей представление о разных классах объектов. Метафора в виде языкового приема и метафора в качестве средства изучения мира во многих работах воспринимаются тождественно.

Оценивая значимость метафоры в научной деятельности человека, Г. Н. Скляревская [Скляревская 1993] пишет, что мы переживаем время тотального интереса к метафоре. Этот факт связывают с теми изменениями, которые произошли в структуре и динамике современного знания о мире, а также с новой проблемой вербализации научного знания. Однако метафора, прежде

всего, - языковое явление и потому должна получить исчерпывающую интерпретацию в лингвистике. За последние десятилетия стала складываться лингвистическая теория метафоры, в фонд которой уже внесено много плодотворных идей, интересных интерпретаций фактического материала, практических разработок. Тем не менее разнородный материал не обобщен, его анализ содержит противоречивые выводы и решения, как бывает всегда, когда какое-либо явление исследуется интенсивно и многоаспектно. В целом в понимании метафоры как категории лингвистики много нерешенных и даже не выдвинутых для обсуждения вопросов.

По мнению Г. Н. Скляревской, следует разграничивать поэтическое и лингвистическое понятия метафоры, так как это порождает противоречия в исследованиях, главным из которых является обоснование адекватного объекта исследования. Упоминая лингвистический характер метафоры, исследователь трактует его как вторичную косвенную номинацию при обязательном сохранении семантической двуплановости и образного элемента.

С целью создания единой картины изучаемого термина, безусловно, требуется обратиться и к иностранным лингвистам. Как отмечал Д. Дэвидсон, «метафора - это греза, сон языка (dreamwork of language). Толкование снов нуждается в сотрудничестве сновидца и истолкователя, даже если они сошлись в одном лице. Точно так же истолкование метафор несет на себе отпечаток и творца, и интерпретатора» [Davidson 1978: 31].

Исследуя этот языковой элемент с точки зрения стилистики в работе под названием "Two Ways of Metaphor", Ф. Уилрайт [Wheelwright 1973] разделяет привычное для нас понятие на распространение и соединение, представляющие собой два главных элемента метафорической деятельности, которые наиболее действенны в сочетании. Тем не менее, чтобы понять роль каждого из них, их необходимо рассматривать по отдельности и дать им отличные друг от друга названия - «эпифора» и «диафора», первое из которых обозначает распространение и расширение значения посредством сравнения, а второе -порождение нового значения при помощи соположения и синтеза.

Отечественный исследователь Э. В. Будаев [Будаев 2010а] выделяет несколько подходов к изучению метафоры: риторический, который рассматривает метафору как феномен языка, средство украшения речи, и когнитивный, который представляет метафору как одну из форм мышления, средство преобразования для адресата привычной ему картины мира. Риторический и когнитивный подходы представлены на онтологическом уровне исследования политических метафор и являются ведущими в современной политической метафорологии, но они не исчерпывающи.

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220. Cameron, D. Tory Party Conference 2015: David Cameron's speech in full : The Prime Minister covered home ownership, immigration and extremism / David Cameron. -Text : electronic // The Independent. - 2015. - 7 October. - URL: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/tory-party-conference-2015-david-cameron-s-speech-full-a6684656.html (дата обращения: 20.04.2021).

221. Campbell-Bannerman, H. Leader's speech, Bradford 1901 / Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman (Liberal). - Text : electronic // British Political Speech : speech archive. -URL: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=9 (дата обращения: 17.09.2019).

222. Campbell-Bannerman, H. Leader's speech, Scarborough 1903 / Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman (Liberal). - Text : electronic // British Political Speech : speech archive. - URL: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=10 (дата обращения: 10.01.2020).

223. Campbell-Bannerman, H. Leader's speech, Newcastle-on-Tyne 1905 / Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman (Liberal). - Text : electronic // British Political Speech : speech archive. - URL: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=11 (дата обращения: 10.06.2019).

224. Churchill, W. The War : June 5, 1915. Dundee / W. Churchill. - Text : electronic speeches // International Churchill Society : official website. - URL: https://winstonchurchill.org/resources/speeches/1915-1929-nadir-and-recovery/the-war/ (дата обращения: 16.04.2020).

225. David Lloyd, G. Extracts from the Speech of Premier Lloyd George in the House of Commons, December 19, 1916 / David Lloyd George. - Text : electronic // WWI Document Archive : 1916 Documents : Official Communications and Speeches Relating to Peace Proposals 1916-1917. - URL: https ://wwi.lib.byu.edu/index.php/Extracts_from_the_Speech_of_Premier_Lloyd_Geor ge_in_the_House_of_Commons,_December_19,_1916 (дата обращения: 20.04.2020).

226. David Lloyd, G. Premier Lloyd George's Guildhall Address, January 11, 1917 / David Lloyd George. - Text : electronic // WWI Document Archive : 1916 Documents : Official Communications and Speeches Relating to Peace Proposals 19161917. - URL: https://wwi.lib.byu.edu/index.php/Premier_Lloyd_George%27s_ Guildhall_Address,_January_11,_1917 (дата обращения: 20.04.2020).

227. Grey, E. Sir Edward Grey's Speech Before Parliament. - Text : electronic / Edward Grey // WWI Document Archive : 1914 Documents. - URL: https ://wwi.lib.byu.edu/index.php/Sir_Edward_Grey%27s_Speech_Before_Parliament (дата обращения: 15.04.2020).

228. Johnson, B. Read in full: Boris Johnson's speech to the 2019 Conservative Party conference / Boris Johnson. - Text : electronic // Politics Home : All today's politics in one place. - 2019. - 2 October. - URL: https://www.politicshome.com/news/article/read-in-full-boris-johnsons-speech-to-the-2019-conservative-party-conference (дата обращения: 24.04.2021).

229. Johnson, B. Read the Prime Minister's Keynote Speech in full / Boris Johnson. -Text : electronic // Conservatives. - 2020. - 6 October. - URL: https://www.conservatives.com/news/boris-johnson-read-the-prime-ministers-keynote-speech-in-full (дата обращения: 25.04.2021).

230. Law, A. B. Leader's speech, Leeds 1911 / Andrew Bonar Law (Conservative). -Text : electronic // British Political Speech : speech archive. - URL: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=79 (дата обращения: 13.04.2020).

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232. May, T. Leader's speech, Manchester 2017 / Theresa May. - Text : electronic // British Political Speech : speech archive. - URL: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=367 (дата обращения: 22.04.2021).

233. May, T. Full text: Theresa May's Conservative conference speech / Theresa May. -Text : electronic // The Spectator. - 2018. - 3 October. - URL: https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/full-text-theresa-may-s-conservative-conference-speech (дата обращения: 24.04.2021).

Приложение 1. Ориентационные метафоры в арсенале британских политиков в период с

1901 по 1910 гг.

1. If I sought to discover the ground of your cordiality I think I should say in the first place that I believe it is a burst of honest, earnest, political feeling, too long restrained and pent up, owing to the circumstances of the time we live in, and especially to the dark cloud of war which has hung over the recent history of our country (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpolitical-speech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=9].

2. I have said we are in the dark in these matters, but there is one point upon which we have been informed of one very solid fact, namely, that the war expenditure is being piled up at the rate of a million and a half a week (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

3. Annual expenditure, on the other hand, if allowed to mount up by millions, cannot be suddenly stopped or checked or reduced (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

4. In my poor country we have in every parish a popularly elected School Board, and in every parish school there is no rigid line drawn between elementary education and secondary education, and a child may at his own door, I may say, be carried into the higher learning and up to the very gate of the university (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

5. If they don't see it I admit it is entirely in keeping with what we have seen in the whole of this business from first to last, where, from the Jameson Raid downwards, in every estimate of the position, in every forecast, in every prophecy they have been wrong (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

6. The revenue from the taxes that we left them to manipulate has increased on the old basis by sixteen millions sterling! (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

7. There is no foundation whatever for imputing that sentiment, be it a right one or a wrong one, to me (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

8. We have faith - the very foundation of our political existence involves and implies that we have faith - in the good sense and right feeling of our countrymen (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

9. In every assault on these hindrances, in every movement forward in the cause of freedom and equal rights, I know you will be in the van (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

10. We live and thrive by commerce, and we are in danger of falling behind our competitors in the markets of the world... (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

11. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach himself told us that the taxes as they stood when they (the Conservatives) came into office have increased in their yield by no less than sixteen millions sterling (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

12. The increase in civil administration, Post-office, etc., has been £7,150,000 (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

13. The increase in armaments has been £22,600,000, and doles to the landlords and the schools, to the tithe-owners and the parson, have amounted to £3,350,000 (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

14. Then let us look for a moment at the large increase for armaments - £22,600,000 (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же]

15. .but does the payment of these premiums do much to increase our power? (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

16. The combined naval estimates of France, Germany, and the United States, the four great Powers of the world, we may say, between 1892 and 1895 increased at the rate of 6 per cent (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

17. Between 1895 and 1900 they had increased at the rate of 50 per cent (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

18. They will live, they will increase and multiply, and if they do not replenish the earth they will, at all events, deplenish the pocket of the tax-payer (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

19. What is the duty of your vigorous organisations throughout the country, and of myself and my colleagues in Parliament? It is to protest and protest, to expose and expose, and, above all, I think I may say, it is to close up our ranks (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

20. ...and above all by freeing not only the formal act of settlement, whenever that may come, but also the tone and spirit of its negotiation and administration. (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

21. .when the auspicious moment for colloquy arrived our high officials were found to have no determined plan whatever, to have difficulty in answering the questions addressed to them, and, above all, to differ among themselves (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

22. And for this reason - that it is an impost, almost I would say above all others, which presses upon the poorest and the weakest, upon the women and the children and those who have none to help them (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

23. And I must again remind these high officials of their own policy (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

24. I am neither a philologer nor a philosopher, and one would require to be a little of both to discover the real meaning of it; but this incomprehensible language is extracted from Lord Selborne under the shock with which he starts back in horror from the idea of conciliation (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

25. If we go back to their true genesis, which was in 1895, what mandate did they then receive from the country for all this great expenditure and for their fire-eating policy? (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

26. But what is their attitude? Cowering before - or would it be more proper to say cowering behind - their friend the publican, and taking their orders from him (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

27. We have no control over and no responsibility for the unreasonable stubbornness or infatuation of the Boers, but we have responsibility for what is done on our own side, and if it should turn out -and all this will be known some day - that this long-drawn and costly delay, costly in money and also costly in life and suffering, is due in any measure to pedantic tenacity and narrowness of view on the part of those who are acting as our agents, then I say that there will be a terrible day of reckoning (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

28. What we find fault with on the part of the Government is that they are not exacting enough from the present taxpayer, and that they are putting too much over as a burden upon posterity (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

29. We are not, however, left to the understudy, because the chief actor has recently appeared upon the scene (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

30. It matters not whether it be conducted under a soldier or under a civilian so long as it is temporary and provisional (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

31. You may be sure that they will never become either contented or loyal under a system of government which they at least regard as government by red tape, if not government by barbed wire (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

32. Under cover of an appeal to patriotism on account of the war, under the plea of making those who approve the war contribute to its cost, new veins of taxation have been opened, as remote as possible from those hated death duties, and from the luxuries and superfluities which form the proper subject of taxation (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

33. It has been reckoned that the contribution under this head of the ordinary workman's family will be about 4/ d. a week (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

34. At the last election they managed, by wiles and devices which we easily detected, by a stale register, and by hiding under the glamour of what was alleged to be a successful war - they succeeded, not in any great triumph, but in coming out about as strong as they went in (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

35. He says also, 'We have to deal with that inability whic h any Government, and especially such a Government as ours, finds in attempting to impose upon the people a matter so entirely within their

own judgment and within the guidance of their own knowledge as the course that they should pursue in satisfying their own individual tastes.' (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1901) [Там же].

36. The answer is this, that the existing educational system of this country is chaotic, is ineffectual, is utterly behind the age, makes us the laughing-stock of every advanced nation in Europe and America, puts us behind not only our American cousins but the German and the Frenchman and the Italian. (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=70].

37. What were, what are the evils under which, educationally speaking, this great country at the present groans? (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

38. From the educational point of view, to begin at the top - or to begin, at all events, if not at the top, at the point immediately underneath our University system - you have the great county councils and borough councils of this country. (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

39. .when you come to deal with that you have under the existing system, between the Corporation on one side and the School Board on the other, inevitable overlapping, unless you come, as the public spirit and common sense of Manchester has been able to come, to some kind of arrangement between those bodies whom the State has thrown down to fight it out as best they can in their midst (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

40. At present, under our existing system, we find no machinery, no adequate machinery, no tolerable machinery, no machinery that any other country in the world but our own would stand for a moment (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

41. I firmly and conscientiously believe, not less intimately bound up with our greatness as a nation and our Imperial position in the world than even was that mighty struggle which we have now brought happily to a successful conclusion (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

42. .that the nation should see that the children of the nation are brought up to carry on and, if possible, improve the traditions of their forefathers (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

43. I would earnestly ask them to turn their attention not to the balance of power among the managers, but to increasing the authority of the borough council or county council as the case may be (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

44. That is one reason why I would ask them to turn their attention rather to increasing the power of what is called in the Bill 'the Local Education Authority' than to increasing or modifying the balance of power or want of power among the managers (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

45. .so that to increase the managerial power at the expense of the county council or the borough council is really violating the general principle of the Bill (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

46. .will devote their attention to increasing the really true and effective authority of the borough council or the county council (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

47. I have dealt with one school of thought among those who are friendly to the Bill, those who are anxious - legitimately anxious - to increase popular control (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

48. I see it in an endless private correspondence, that this Bill increases the power of the clergyman, and that it is intended and devised for the purpose of increasing clerical control, that its object is for ever to put the public schools of this country under the heel of the clergy (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

49. I mean, that after all the voluntary schools in this country are giving up that which in many cases their managers greatly value when they are obliged to fall in with this new scheme of national education (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

50. The difficulty largely arises because those who hold the general theory of education which I have ventured to propound are divided, and must naturally be divided, into two schools of thought (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

51. And a good deal of the difficulty has arisen - among those who agree with the general principles advocated by the Government - between those two opposite poles of thought or schemes of thought (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

52. Now let me say that I think some of the difficulty has arisen owing to a misunderstanding of one of the terms used in the Government Bill - the term managers (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

53. And, above all, if education be their object, ought they not to hail with pleasure a Bill which gives all the benefits which I described earlier in my speech. (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

54. Ought they not to hail a measure which from the highest to the lowest step in the educational ladder will co-ordinate and will arrange and will provide that no working man shall send his child to an ill-equipped school, which will provide that no working man with a child of really superior attainments shall be debarred from making his way through one grade to another of higher education until he has fulfilled his natural destiny? (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

55. And when, leaving higher elementary education, I come to that elementary education which is the necessity of every class in the community, and to which we justly require every man in the land from the highest to the lowest to subject his children, what do we find? (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

56. ..but I have looked back upon the history of the Act of 1870, and I take comfort (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

57. So far I do not say I have a unanimous opinion behind me (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

58. Why have you, by bringing forward an Education Bill, filled the land with these insensate clamours from north to south, and from east to west? (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

59. ..when I find certain extreme Nonconformist agitators looking forward to what they call a national system of education. (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

60. But under the Bill the Board school is left to a body popularly elected, and by a far better electoral machinery than is the School Board now (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

61. Though I am told every day of my life that I am trampling upon their rights, that they are being deprived of their privileges as citizens. (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

62. I hope, of an elaborate kind, either to my friends in Manchester or to the larger national gathering which is collected within these walls. (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

63. But so far I do believe that, if we could eliminate all other points of controversy, the educationalist of this country would come into line with the Government (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

64. I believe that the conclusion to which I have thus brought you - I hope at not too great length - is one that commends itself to the moderate men of all parties, whether Churchmen, whether Nonconformists, whether Roman Catholics, or whether belonging to any of the other sects, or to no sects into which the community is divided (Артур Бальфур, 1902) [Там же].

65. .and plumed himself especially and above all upon the fact that he and his friends were not as certain other men are (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=10].

66. Their idea is to municipalise education, smothering it up with baths and washhouses and streets and sewers (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

67. With what face could the present Government set up in Ireland a State authority? (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

68. I don't underrate the security, although I think it is rather a flaccid and almost fluid security for so mighty a transaction. But I don't underrate the honesty of the security. Only mark the fact that that is all you have, and on that ground it is peculiarly and superlatively necessary to see that the conditions which underlie the instalments to be paid are generous and easy. One other point only I will allude to. We are going to abolish under this measure estates in Ireland great and small, and set up a number of small individual holdings (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

69. The Government and their friends have laid the flattering unction to their souls that the heat and storm of last autumn will die down (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

70. What are we to say, then, if we go further back, deeper down? In 1886 two Bills, which I shall do no more than mention, were introduced by Mr. Gladstone (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

71. We were told last year that it was above all things necessary to 'broaden the basis of taxation' (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

72. But now this year the Finance Minister drops the 'broad basis of taxation' altogether. He declares it 'quite impossible, if there has been no actual rise, that the tax has had no effect on the

price,' and he goes on 'Undoubtedly the price of flour has increased to the amount of the tax, and a good deal more, and as a good many people make their own bread the cost of the latter must have been increased.' (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

73. No further back than the day before yesterday I received a resolution from a body which I think you will listen to with respect (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

74. They have not municipalised that, but they have created - and I think in that case rightly created -an ad hoc body (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

75. They say we are ten years behind the times in talking about religious equality, Free Trade, and licensing reform, and fifty years behind the age in talking of such out-of-date objects as peace and economy (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

76. We have been invited to forget that which is behind and to attack larger and newer and more attractive topics, which are not always defined so exactly as we should like (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

77. He says he is distressed 'that those who profess to carry forward the traditions of one of the great honourable parties in British life should be mixed up with these men.' (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

78. I venture to say that His Majesty has placed his people under a deep obligation, and I hope that he will soon be able to carry out the intention which is attributed to him of extending his visits to others among the nations of Europe (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

79. You have entered, under Conservative auspices, on a course of ousting the landlord and installing the tenant, and you cannot stop where you are (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

80. If this happens it is only in accordance with the conditions under which he holds his licence, and therefore he has no legal claim, and no claim against the public ( Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

81. If by adherence to economic pedantry, to old shibboleths, we are to lose opportunities of closer union which are offered to us by our colonies, if we are to put aside occasions now within our grasp' -mark that! 'if we do not take every chance in our power to keep British trade in British hands, I am certain we shall deserve the disasters which will infallibly come upon us.' (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

82. Their inconsistency over the Corn Tax of which I have spoken is like a puff of vapour compared to the impenetrable fog of inconsistency which hangs over their Irish policy (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

83. Six months ago, having suspended the ordinary guarantees of civil liberty, they were busy haling to prison and to hard labour Irish members of Parliament and others, the advocates of the tenants to whom they are now handing over the land of Ireland (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

84. They prove their change of opinion towards the Irish people by handing over the land of Ireland, as they would have said a year or two ago, or even half a year ago, to the men who made the Land League and worked the Plan of Campaign (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1903) [Там же].

85. .and though I have spoken, as you may well see, under a heavy sense of responsibility, and under considerable difficulty, I do think that the events of the last few days ... will not bring in their train any of those widespread calamities which at one time I almost feared they might do ( Артур Бальфур, 1904) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=72].

86. I do not say that they have not strained, and greatly strained, and greatly increased the difficulties we have found in maintaining, as we have consistently maintained, the position of neutrals during the period of this great struggle (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

87. I think the character of those emotions was largely increased by the fact that it came as a complete surprise (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

88. .such incidents as the strange vagaries of the two ships of the volunteer fleet (laughter), such difficulties as have arisen from the definition of contraband of war (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

89. .if the case contemplated by that treaty should ever arise, to use our whole national power to fulfil our obligations (hear, hear), so until that case arises it is a point of honour with this Government, as it would be a point of honour with any British Government, that our duty as neutrals should be scrupulously performed (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

90. They also, even at the beginning, indicated that any wrongdoer in this matter ought to receive punishment (hear, hear); and in ordinary times I do not think that any special difficulty would have arisen (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

91. .which we shall conduct under special circumstances with the assistance, I hope, of representatives of the Russian Government, but with a court which we shall constitute with special care, consisting of men who are authorities, and investigated as it will be in the third place and above and beyond all by that International tribunal to which I have just referred (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

92. The Leader of the Opposition, speaking I think two nights ago, uttered sentiments worthy on this subject, worthy of that high place which he holds, and which the Leader of an Opposition must always hold in the political life of a free people (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

93. It is true that he felt himself bound to go into a large number of highly controversial subjects, and I do not blame him for that (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

94. In all the great wars in which we were engaged, in which we were the protagonists of the nineteenth century, the period when some of the most glorious naval and military memories go back. (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

95. I think I may now say without raising unduly hopes which are likely to be dashed that so far as I am able to forecast the future, the lamentable and deplorable tragedy which took place on the night of last Friday will not end in one of those great international struggles (cheers) which, though they may be now and again in the history of the world necessary incidents in the collision of great interest, always leave a deplorable mark behind them, and always have had the effect of retarding the great progress of humanity and civilization (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

96. In his name views have been put forward which would seem to justify, in his view, a Russian fleet. (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

97. I think your Chairman has tonight struck the right note in the few words which he has just addressed to you (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

98. .but that they represent a well thought out body of ideas which may be right or may be wrong. (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

99. I think the Czar has shown himself an enlightened judge of what is right in this matter as between nation and nation (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

100. And speaking for my colleagues, I gladly grant that we have been met in the right spirit by the Government with which we had dealings (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

101. Ladies and gentlemen, under such circumstances as these I should certainly be doing violence to any own sentiments of what is appropriate. (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

102. I should under ordinary circumstances have avoided expressing an opinion upon this part of the subject. (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

103. Let me say in this connection that I think it is but bare justice to them to say that they have not at any time underrated the gravity of the crisis or failed to do what they could to diminish it (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

104. I do not know whether - I am only supposing - the principles which seem to underlie the judgment of the Russian Admiral are carried into effect they may meet on some dark night in the solitude of the ocean some homecoming transport, or liner approaches within the magic distance, and the ship which once carried the lives of privileged neutrals is fired upon (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

105. I think I may also venture to say that it will do nothing but credit to the ruler of that great Empire whom we have been so nearly coming into collision, but with whom it my earnest hope and sincere belief that our good relations shall remain undisturbed (Артур Бальфур, 1904) [Там же].

106. .show that they are agreed that the best way of keeping up appearances is to denounce the Opposition (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=11].

107. We must remember that there are interests of a kind so formidable in their social prestige and influence and in their financial power that the citizen may often have to forfeit a good deal of his rights and liberty unless he can count upon the central authority standing up for him (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

108. Any seeming difference would at once dry up and disappear the moment we came to work together upon them (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

109. But we cannot lay down our arms until the Unionist party has formally separated itself from any schemes which directly or indirectly prejudice freedom of trade (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

110. That is very true; and those who are asked to consent to dearer food on his pledge that the cost of living will not be increased will not forget the old-age pensions proposals which were 'so simple' that anybody could understand them (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

111. Again, he makes his appeal to the workmen by the promises of more employment; but if his ten per cent duty on manufactured goods results in their exclusion, his arguments based on increased revenue - the foreigner paying our taxes and even, as we have now been told, our rates - fall to the ground; if, on the other hand, it does not keep them out, then where is the increased employment to come from? (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

112. .and, finding this rather thin and nebulous, he falls to belabouring the Liberals again (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

113. Why did he not fall back on his old friend old-age pensions? (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

114. .work that accumulates from year to year, and work that is certain to fall more heavily in arrear in proportion to the prolongation of the rule of a Tory Government (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

115. Therefore - and this is my point - the authority which places and maintains a Ministry in power is not the House of Commons; it is something behind it and above it (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

116. There is the need of organised help for the unemployed, urgently required in all industrial centres, and, above all, in the East-end of London (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

117. Every day's delay not only continues but aggravates the scandal; and Scotland is grievously afflicted in her highest and dearest and tenderest interest, the spiritual welfare of her people (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

118. First, he interlards his appeal with higher and wider themes (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

119. He praises high tariff countries, and says 'the conditions of life in Germany are such that many an English workingman would be glad to change places with some of his German competitors ( Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

120. This is a plain argument quite apart from all those high-flying economic theories with which -and in this I agree with Mr. Chamberlain - the ordinary mind and the ordinary man might only be confused (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

121. I would have you observe this further thing (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

122. Cast your mind back upon what I have been speaking about (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

123. How do we stand with regard to the great fiscal question I hold that we may claim to look both forward and backwards with a certain measure of cheerful assurance (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

124. The House of Commons behind whose support he shelters himself is nearly five years old (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

125. I go further, and say that never within the memory of any man among us has the country seen such a political situation (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

126. What is the present Government's policy? I take three questions which they themselves have brought to the front (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

127. The form of government under which we live is that of a limited monarchy (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

128. We must try to settle the education question on national and liberal lines; and no one can deny it wants settling, with Wales and East Ham and the West Riding of Yorkshire under our eyes (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

129. Yet witness the deplorable spectacle of the last few weeks, when a Bill, imperfectly reviving the original intention of Parliament in this matter, has been so mauled and maimed in the Committee under the inspiration of the Government, led and represented by their Solicitor-General, that the Labour members and the Liberal members have been obliged to leave the room (Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

130. We all remember the extraordinary campaign started two years ago, when the pioneer went out in advance under the flag of food taxation and preference with the blessing, the best wishes, and the warm sympathy of the commander of the main army, who contented himself with the humbler and less brilliant role of preparing at his leisure to annul, delete, and cancel the established and cardinal principle that taxation should be only for revenue purposes ( Генри Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, 1905) [Там же].

131. Before next Tuesday he and his colleagues will have to make up their minds what the Constitution is to be (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=74].

132. I do not maintain that the existing principle of Regular battalions in the British Army is fixed and immutable, determined by infinite wisdom, neither to be diminished nor increased in obedience to the promptings of the economical spirit or in obedience to a reasonable calculation of the chances of war (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

133. I can promise on behalf of my friends - I promise on your behalf (cheers), with absolute assurance that we shall not endeavour to turn to party or political account any controversy which may arise upon this subject (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

134. A mandate is a phrase which does duty for argument, which does duty for sense, which saves the necessity of eloquence, which is incapable of being translated into practice except at the loss of administrative justice, of administrative ability - which is, above all, an instrument which cuts short and saves thorough discussion (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

135. No one rates higher the importance of the auxiliary army than I do. (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

136. I lay down no hard and fast proposition of that kind (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

137. I will lay down another proposition which I believe to be unchallenged by any military critic (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

138. But to tell me the country want to cut down these Estimates by no rational or considered plan, but simply and in order to satisfy rhetorical statements made in the heat of a general election, is an insult to the country itself; and as to paying reverence to the democracy, it involves the profoundest insult to the democracy itself (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

139. The Government - I will not say the country (hear, hear) - but the Government are on the eve of one of the most momentous decisions which have ever fallen to the lot of a British Government to make (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

140. .and if this Government, pursuing their policy of mandate and their love of platitude, establish some Constitution which hands over to those who recently were our enemies and who are not yet in any full measure our friends (hear, hear), <...> remember if the Government hand over the power to those, our late respected enemies, they are endangering all that we fought for and that we bled for, all that we suffered for, the course of civilisation in those regions is destined to be indefinitely set back,

your most sacred obligations will be broken, you will yourselves be involved in difficulties of which no man can see the end. (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

141. The country has, of course, in consequence of that event, had the privilege of living for six or seven months under the rule of our opponents, and it is almost time that we should begin to take stock of their performances (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

142. Consider the conditions under which they intend to make it (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

143. The population of the Transvaal, I hope, will some day - I believe at no distant day - resemble those great self-governing colonies, but can we expect, human nature being what it is, that, if you give full self-government to the Transvaal, if you put into the hands of a body which is half or nearly half the whole population of the country the full powers, practically the whole powers, which the Dominion of Canada or the Commonwealth of Australia now enjoy, they will not use them to carry out by means even more dangerous, because they are not necessarily warlike, the objects which they failed to obtain by the arbitrament of arms (Артур Бальфур, 1906) [Там же].

144. I don't know whether I misrepresent his statements before the election when I say, as far as I can remember, they were confined to a general expression of a desire to increase the happiness of everybody all round - in entirely proper and estimable sentiment - and a fixed intention to have an enquiry into the canal traffic of the United Kingdom - (laughter) - a proposal which, at all events, was innocuous (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=75].

145. The old theory of British economics on corn was based on the fact of what economists called the law of diminishing returns, which meant that as a community increased in numbers the pressure on the means of subsistence would increase also, and various consequences, of which I will not speak now, would ensue (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

146. Wheat is now subject, not to the law of increasing cost, it is subject to the law of diminishing cost, and the enormous strides which the growth of wheat in Canada, Argentina, and elsewhere, the enormous improvements in transport - however unfortunate to the farming class to which I belong -(laughter and applause) - absolutely destroy the whole basis of the economic argument familiar to our forefathers (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

147. He has presented two Budgets, and nothing could be more certain that while we are all desirous, and for the best of reasons, to promote national economy, it is quite impossible that we should carry out the ordinary duties of national and Imperial defence and the other duties incumbent upon a Government, and also pursue a policy of social reform - (hear, hear) - unless we have some possibility of increasing the sources from which our public expenditure must ultimately come (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

148. Socialism I believe to be absolutely ruinous - (hear, hear) - not to the possessors of property principally or chiefly, but to the whole community, which depends not upon dividing the wealth of those who are above the average, but upon increasing the production of the whole community (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

149. We think that in addition to all we have done to increase small ownership - (hear, hear) -agricultural and urban, and in addition to all that has been done - and it has all been done by our party -(hear, hear) - in addition to all that, yet more can be done (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

150. We have the great cause of social reform, dealing, as I have said, with the condition of the workers, the condition of the livers in urban and rural districts, the increase of small ownership, the complete remodelling of the Poor Law - (cheers) - and the attempt to deal with the mighty problem of the whole (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

151. Have we that positive consciousness that, were we called upon in our turn to govern the destinies of the Empire, we should rise to that great occasion which would then be offered us? (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

152. The other current of opinion is that which arises from the fact that in the last two generations our colonies have in the first place become great self-governing communities. (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

153. I am sorry the interval since I last spoke in this great city has been so long, and I regret still more that when, in the ordinary course, this great gathering, representing as it does the Conservative branch of the great Unionist party throughout England, meets here we should not feel that we have with us and behind us, the active energy of that great statesman - (hear, hear) - whose work for Birmingham, whose work for Great Britain - (hear, hear) - whose work, shall I say in this audience above all, for our Colonial Empire - (loud cheers) - has given him an immortal place in the great series of statesmen who have guided the imperial destinies of this country (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

154. We think that if the conditions of labour are to be improved, above all if there is to be a great reform of the Poor Laws - (hear, hear) and all causes analogous to relief but outside relief, such as provision for old age - (hear, hear) - that if those are to be carried out it will not be aided by wasting some years in a great political revolution, of which the result is to destroy one of the immemorial elements of the British Constitution (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

155. Surely, my lords, ladies and gentlemen, that is a prospect which should inspire the heart of every Unionist, should fill him with enthusiasm, should make him equal to any effort, should make him feel that his patriotic task is one worthy of the highest efforts of which he is capable, and all the talents of which God has made him master (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

156. We found also that behind the wall of tariffs which it had pleased our commercial rivals to erect round their respective countries, they were organising, intentionally or unintentionally, a machinery by which, in times of indifferent trade, in times of sinking trade, in times of bad trade, they could dump down upon our shores goods manufactured at a cost at least as great as those which we had to undergo, but which they were able to put down in rivalry with our manufactures at a less cost than that which we had to undergo (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

157. There are four principles which may be laid down as practically incontrovertible, or, at all events, which I am prepared to support by argument if necessary (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

158. Now, observe, that in this general scheme - I may say, incidentally, that I am not going to be bullied by our opponents - (cheers) - into doing what they never think of doing, which is to give an account of the precise details of their procedure some years ahead - I have laid down these general propositions (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

159. I leave it to the Radical Party to bow down in this abject submission to a dead authority (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

160. I leave it to them to base their whole policy upon conditions which once existed but which exist no longer - (hear, hear) - and to show their love of progress - (laughter) - their consciousness of the changing needs of an ever-developing society by binding themselves, now and for all time, to the dead formulae of the great men who would have been the first to scorn the action they are taking (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

161. If you carried your memories back, let me say, to the beginning of last session, the beginning of the year 1906, or, if you prefer, to the end of the year 1905. (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

162. I am not going back on the history of the ten years of office, which I believe was one of the greatest periods of administrative success of this country - (hear, hear) - but which has passed into the domain of the historian, and is outside now, at all events for the moment, the sphere of discussion in current party controversy (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

163. I am told that in this policy I am recommending a return to some antiquated and discredited fiscal system. I am doing nothing of the kind. (Cheers.) I do not ask you to go back; I ask you to go forward (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

164. I was amused in reading in this very speech of Mr. Asquith a statement that we are all in favour of social reform, which some call erroneously Socialism, and that nobody would care to go back upon such great changes in our system as that involved in free education, the labour laws, the Factory Acts, the Housing Acts, and other great feats of social reform of the past. Nobody will go back on them (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

165. Go back sixty years, trace the course of ameliorative legislation through all that period, and you will find the stamp of the Unionist party upon every serious effort (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

166. .and that many of the annual meetings of this great company will not occur before I, or someone standing in my place, will be able to tell you that the great task is taken in hand not merely as a matter of theory or speculation, but as the work of a responsible Government, having behind it the confidence of a great people (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

167. I have no love either of processes of court-martial or processes of excommunication. (Hear, hear.) The first may be necessary under a great military system; the second has been rightly or wrongly thought to be necessary in many great ecclesiastical organisations. But such things are not in my line. (Laughter and 'Hear, hear.') This, and this only would I say: You cannot lay down rules in black and white as to what constitutes party loyalty, or what does or does not amount to a difference of opinion with the great body of a party which should cut any member of that party from the general communion (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

168. That resolution divides the question into four heads - broadening the basis of taxation - (hear, hear) - safeguarding our great productive industries from unfair competition - (hear, hear) -strengthening our position for the purpose of negotiation in foreign markets - (hear, hear) - and establishing preferential commercial arrangements with the colonies, and securing for British producers and workmen a further advantage over foreign competitors in the colonial markets (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

169. No precision of doctrine is possible in such circumstances, but the test of our competence as practical men to deal with great practical problems will be measured by our power of working together, of forgetting small individual differences - (hear, hear) - of sinking petty jealousies - (hear, hear) - of silencing contemptible criticism - (hear, hear) - which we are able to show in the face of a great national and Imperial destiny - that you, gentlemen, representing as you do every constituency in England, every great body in England, will see both the need which lies before you, and each in your own measure be able to carry out the steps which are required to satisfy that need (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

170. And if anybody will take the trouble to do now what some day the historian will have to do, which is to trace the genesis of the great movement to its beginnings, they will say that it is the offspring of two quite separate, quite independent movements, both of which conspired to make the citizens of this country utterly discontented with the fiscal system under which we have now for two generations carried out our national work (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

171. When the fiscal system under which we now suffer - (cheers) - was originally started there was no question in the minds of any public man or any economist about markets (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

172. But before I come to that, let me ask you what has been the fate of the great fiscal controversy which excited among our own friends so much enthusiasm at the time when we finally abandoned office, and when we handed over the destinies of the country to our successors. Has it lost force? (Cries of 'No!') Has it gained force? (Cries of 'Yes!') (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

173. It never occurred to anybody that they were the great nations of the future, that it was to our interest as well as our duty to make commercial arrangements, and the whole colonial aspect is absolutely of novel growth within the memory of almost every man and woman I am addressing, born, indeed, within the last fifteen years, and in no sense present to the minds of the economists and legislators of the time of Sir Robert Peel (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

174. Socialism means, and can mean, nothing else than that the community or the State is to take all the means of production into its own hands, that private enterprise and private property are to come to an end, and all that private enterprise and private property carry with them (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

175. That is Socialism, and nothing else is Socialism. (Applause.) Social reform is when the State, based upon private enterprise, based upon private property, recognising that the best productive results can only be attained by respecting private property and encouraging private enterprise - (applause) -asks them to contribute towards great national, social, and public objects (Артур Бальфур, 1907) [Там же].

176. In the first place, you will remember well that they told us that one of our greatest dangers as an industrial nation was the appalling rate at which the dumping foreigner was pouring his goods, and particularly his manufactured goods, into our markets and underselling the home producer, driving British labour out of employment (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=13].

177. We have brought back the National Debt to what it was twenty years ago. (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

178. That is in regard to the past; but they are now fixing their hopes on the declining trade, which is common to us and to every country in the world (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

179. Take a lot of import duties; make them low enough to bring in an abounding revenue; make them at the same time high enough to exclude the unfair competition of foreign goods, and you have a scientific tariff (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

180. .and while we ought not to forget - and I have endeavoured in what I have said to impress it upon you - while we ought not to forget the continued urgency of the call to maintain and defend Free Trade, our main energies are being given this year to pushing forward at Westminster three great measures of social reform (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

181. .you have two Ministries in power recruited largely, indeed mainly, from those who only a few years ago were bearing arms against us in the field, and whose loyalty no one now ventures to impeach, under whose wise and statesmanlike rule racial divisions are rapidly being obliterated... (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

182. While our over-sea trade was booming they were, to use a homely expression, down in the dumps (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

183. Mr. Balfour has not wholly committed himself, apparently to the Protective side of Tariff Reform, but he has a formula of his own, a very simple one, today, a lot of small duties, but they are not to be put on raw material - not, for instance, upon hops - and they are not to increase the burden on the poor, or the cost of the necessaries of life (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

184. Well, now, looking back upon those three years, I can only recall one measure introduced by us which could be described fairly or unfairly as coming within that category. (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

185. But they are beginning to recover their spirits under the stimulus of a monthly decrease in the Board of Trade returns (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

186. And small-holdings; we have for the first time set up a really practical machinery for bringing within the reach of those who demand it - and there are many in all parts of the country - the opportunity of acquiring and of working small-holdings for themselves (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

187. The object which runs through them all is this, to diffuse and, so far as may be, to equalise the burdens, to make life brighter, easier, richer, more fruitful for the bulk of our fellow countrymen, to break through and break down the present environment of squalor and temptation, and to banish, if we can, and in so far as we can, the shadow of anxiety for the future which, to so many of them, darkens every stage of the journey from youth to old age (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

188. The Chinese are going, before many months are over the last of them will have reembarked for his native shore, but the mines are prosperous, the labour supply is abundant and increasing, and the output of gold is larger than it ever was at any time (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

189. There in 1902 we exported of manufactured goods of British produce 227 millions, in 1907, 344 millions, an increase of 50 per cent (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

190. You are not going to tax raw material, and you are not going to tax food, at any rate in such a way as to increase the cost of the necessaries of living of the working classes in this country (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

191. Another question, and it is equally relevant, I ask these Tariff Reformers - Are they content with a tariff such as Mr. Balfour proposes, which is not framed, and avowedly not framed, to increase the employment of labour in this city? (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

192. What is the governing object, what is the ultimate purpose, of this social programme in all its various ramifications and development - improved housing, rating of site values, increased facilities for the acquisition of land both in agricultural and public purposes, the systematised protection, in all its stages, of child life, a genuine national system of education, a more stringent control of the liquor traffic, and a certain and sure provision for old age? (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

193. Yes, and then there will be full employment for all, work for all, and with full employment will come a rise in wages and in the standard of living (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

194. In 1907, notwithstanding the enormous expansion, as I have said, that had gone on in the interval, they had only risen to 128 millions, or a rise of 11 per cent (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

195. In 1902, foreign trade was 61 per cent, in 1907 it had risen to nearly 68 per cent, and the colonial trade, which in 1902 was 38 per cent, had dwindled in 1907 to little more than 32 per cent (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

196. The time expired; the appointed hour struck; the discoverer failed to appear, and he seems to have left behind him, not on a half-sheet of notepaper, but in an envelope, not a diamond, but a formula (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

197. I have said, and my colleagues have said, and it cannot be too fully realised by all friends and supporters in the country, that the scheme which we have put forward is in all its aspects in the nature of a provisional scheme (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

198. And upon the top of that to say that unless thrift is to be discouraged he has further to make provision for old age (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

199. I remember very well, almost ten years ago, coming here to speak at a meeting held under the auspices of the National Liberal Federation (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

200. I find myself tonight once more face to face with a great gathering called under the same auspices. (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

201. We have admitted to the benefit of the law millions of workpeople who under the legislation of the late Government were excluded from it (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

202. Your Colonies export nothing but raw material, and how, under those governing conditions, are you going to give them a preference? (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

203. The last of the three measures to which I am going to refer is that which is at present under discussion in the House of Commons - the Bill for the establishment of a system of old age pensions (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

204. .the Liberal party has been waging to assert the paramount supremacy of public over private and of general over particular interests (Герберт Асквит, 1908) [Там же].

205. Now, I am not going to attempt anything so rash as to survey within the course of an hour's speech the whole field of political controversy, nor am I even going to touch upon matters which I think may engage, and even absorb, our attention at no very distant date, and which I am well aware are cast into the background at the present moment by the insistent results, the overmastering excitement, naturally aroused by the crisis with which we find ourselves directly face to face (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=77].

206. Well, I may be right, and I may be wrong, but what I am told is that there are a certain number of persons, otherwise by sympathy, by tradition, and by connection, members of the party to which we all belong, who look with considerable distrust and suspicion at the effect which a fiscal change is likely to have upon that great industry with which the fortunes of Lancashire are all so intimately bound up, and forms so great and honourable a part of the industrial activity of our industrial country (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

207. He would never have said let the country, under the head of Protection and tariffs, produce commodities and then sell its surplus to its neighbours in such a way as to ruin the legitimate interests of its neighbours; but at least the modern Fiscal Reformer and the ancient old Radical Free Trader may shake hands and may join in repudiating the new school which has sprung up, which is as oblivious to

the old doctrines of economic Free Trade as it is to the new conditions of modern competitive industry (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

208. I have not time to dwell on all that the Imperial aspect of Colonial Preference means to those who think with me; on this question, so intimately bound up with the future of our country (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

209. They must have been embarrassed in comparing their economic doctrines with historic fact to see how enormously German prosperity and American prosperity have grown up at the very moment, or at all events contemporaneously with the imposition of high protective duties (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

210. I suggest to them that a part of that marvellous growth has been due to the fact that, whereas in times past Germany was cut up into different states, with different tariff systems, it is now a great homogenous empire, with free trade with its other states, which from these commercial treaties are brought into economic relation, and extend the area through which Free Trade - or perhaps I should say freer - is allowed to prevail (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

211. I am told that the reason is that there are persons who fear in the first place that a fiscal change will increase the cost of living to the workingman of this country, and that by increasing the cost of living to the workingman of this country it will throw the burden on the industries in which they are engaged which will react unfavourably on the industry - the cotton industry as a whole (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

212. But certainly I should never touch, I should never give my adhesion to any fiscal change of importance which increased the cost of living - the ordinary Budget expenditure of the working classes of this country (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

213. But they are labouring under this difficulty in an aggravated form, which even in its lightest and most innocuous form we are told will ruin Lancashire in the markets of the world. (Cheers.) But is not that nonsense on the face of it? How on earth can anybody seriously say that when they see that in protected neutral markets a protected country like Germany is increasing faster than we are, I do not think that proves one way or another that Fiscal Reform is right, but surely no man of common sense can deny that it disposes of these fears that the import duties are going to hamper the great industry of Lancashire (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

214. There can be no doubt, and there is no doubt, that at this moment, while the Colonies chose to give us preference we gain immensely thereby - (cheers) - and I believe that the gain which is great now will augment year by year as time goes on, and, as these great sister States increase in population, increase in wealth, increase in their demand, preference will mean more and more to the great industries of this country (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

215. Is there a man in the cotton industry who seriously says, 'I am indifferent to the colonial market; I am ready to take all my risks there, though I admit they are growing communities whose demand will increase year by year, though I admit they give us a preference, and though I admit this very immense benefit, and that it is a growing benefit, I am so wedded to the caricature and travesty of a doctrine based on a system of 50 years ago that I won't move a finger either to extend or to preserve that preference from which economically, as well as materially, so much is to be gained?' (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

216. I am one of those who are most anxious to see small agricultural ownership greatly increased (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

217. Here is a gentleman who thinks that the security of the agricultural small owner and his happiness in his holding will be increased by the taxation of land values (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

218. Whatever be the issue which is going to take place before the only final tribunal of arbitrament that we know, whatever the final issue of that trial, I say that Lord Lansdowne is right - (cheers) - and unless I greatly mistake the temper which this great meeting has shown, unless I am wholly wrong in my estimate of the feeling which prevails with increasing strength day by day, week by week, in every constituency in the country. (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

219. Lancashire is now struggling to keep its head above water; it is fighting a difficult fight against international competition in order to keep our position in the cotton trade in neutral markets (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

220. Remember that if steel is to be dumped, it is not because steel can be produced more cheaply elsewhere than it can here, but because the high protective duties in America enable a great corporation like the Steel Trust to 'dump' their steel here at prices at which it would not pay the English producer of steel to turn out that commodity (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

221. My belief is that if the author of the French Treaty could be with us - he might not indeed agree with me or others who take strong views on this subject - I am perfectly confident he would hold very different views from what in his name are put forward as Cobdenite ideas; but he would open his eyes to the actual facts of the world in which we live, and being deprived of his dream of universal Free Trade he would modify his views as to the commercial value of empires, and would say 'let us have a freer trade if we were isolated and highly protected communities, we could hope to attain.' (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

222. The article stated that the cotton industry, those engaged in the cotton industry in Lancashire, were now fighting for their lives to keep down prices in international competitive trade (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

223. This, I think, is the first time that I have had the pleasure and the honour of addressing a Manchester audience since my official connection with this city was terminated three years ago. I well remember that day. It was probably the lowest in the political fortunes of our party, and I do not blush to acknowledge, I am not ashamed to acknowledge, that I regretted the severance of a connection of 20 years with this great centre of political life and energy (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

224. Here I am, for I am still glad to identify myself with a Lancashire audience, here are we with the traditions of more than a century, far more than a century behind in the cotton trade, and all that tradition gives us, and the knowledge and education of our people, with the best machinery and the best climate and other circumstances which should aid us, and then comes the least happily circumstanced country on us, and gains on us we are to be told that the import duties required for these revenue purposes are going to destroy our trade (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

225. We always said it had never been before the people of the country, that they had never had an opportunity of pronouncing on it, and that it would have been a misuse of the majority which we were given in 1900 if that majority had been used to press forward Tariff Reform (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

226. Now this Government have not the smallest right to come forward with these novel, and, as I think, dangerous proposals - (cheers) - force them through the House of Commons in these endless sittings, and then make them law before the people of the country had had a word to say on the subject (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

227. I believe that you feel as I feel, and that all of us are prepared to come forward and take our part in the contest which is before us, knowing that the contest will be severe, knowing that it will involve sacrifice, labour, and energy on the part of any one of us, and knowing also that in its results are involved great issues for good and evil for the country and for the empire to which we belong (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

228. Ladies and gentlemen, if I read the signs of the time aright, since then a mighty revolution has been effected in the opinions and sentiments of our countrymen (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

229. I mean he hated the measures we call social reform - and rightly so - and he opposed them in his lifetime, and his whole scheme of political thought was one which I have never been able to sympathise with (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

230. Now, if I do not, for these reasons, hold the view that the cotton industry is going to suffer, you may, well ask me - you will be right in asking me - is the cotton industry going to gain? I think it is going to gain (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

231. It is not an unhappy incident of their Budget, it was the object of their Budget, and an object like that destroys all security, and my Socialist friend whom I quoted is absolutely right, and the Liberal Party are undermining their position by using arguments against one particular kind of property which,

in the words of the article, are at least as applicable to the capitalist as they are to the landlord (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

232. Nobody really doubts that Mr. Gladstone was right when he said that the House of Lords were perfectly justified in rejecting a Budget - technically it was within their power as part of the constitutional machinery of the country, to carry out this course (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

233. No man who listens to me underrates the importance of these questions (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

234. I do not say that under the new system the Foreign Minister will have an easier time; he will have a much harder task (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

235. Believe me, it is quite impossible for us under modern conditions to hold our own against countries not less well equipped than ourselves, for the great industrial fight - international fight -when we deliberately throw away the one weapon which they find effective (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

236. I venture to assert that no competent authority has ever suggested that the treatment which land near towns is receiving under this Budget will not diminish enterprise in that land, because it diminished security (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

237. Cast these principles to the winds, and, in my judgment, you will have done more to prompt the owners of capital to employ it elsewhere, to diminish the employment of your people, to aggravate the evils under which we all suffer, than any other kind of legislation, any other kind of either wisdom or folly, in the matter of arrangement of tariffs, can possibly produce (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

238. I am going to suggest a third one, which you won't find in the textbooks of constitutional lawyers, which has been embodied in no resolution I know of either to the House of Lords or to the House of Commons, but nevertheless is a most important element to the free institutions under which we live (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

239. After what I have said, is there a man or woman who doubts that the issue which the Government have raised with this Budget is one of the greatest questions before the country within the memory of most who are present here tonight (Артур Бальфур, 1909) [Там же].

240. All these controversies that divide parties - as to the constitution of a Second Chamber, or whether there shall be a Second Chamber - I won't go over the whole list - what do they matter unless the British Empire itself is based solidly and securely upon sea power (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=78].

241. Whatever tariff policy you adopt, whether it be the foolish one which we now accept as traditional, or whether it be some extravagant aberrations in the other direction such as are adopted by some foreign countries - whatever policy you adopt, this, at all events, is certain: there will be ups in trade and downs in trade, oscillations will take place, there will be improvements and deteriorations (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

242. But who can watch the course of events even since the last general election, and not have borne in upon them with increased strength the absolute necessity for some change in our fiscal system? (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

243. But we are told by some who are strong - undoubtedly very strong and consistent fiscal reformers - we are told that the working classes are afraid that the burden of a reform of which they admit the benefits, shall be thrown upon their shoulders out of all due proportion. Well, all I can say is that whatever were the benefits of tariff reform, if those benefits can only be purchased by throwing additional burdens upon the shoulders of the wage-earning classes in this country, I would not touch it (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

244. The whole object I have in view, the whole object my friends have in view, is to benefit the wage earning class. Then they say to me, 'Well, it may be a benefit in one way to the wage earning class, but, after all, it will increase' - and this is the eternal refrain - 'it will increase the price of living to the working classes.' I say it will not. (Cheers.) I say it will not for two reasons, which are quite distinct, and which I do beg of you who have got thrown upon you the duty of explaining this question in different parts of the country, thoroughly to understand (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

245. It must exercise that moderating influence upon the legislation for which Second Chambers exist, which they exercise in all sound Constitutions (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

246. The misrepresentation is patent, and the folly of the statement is equally clear. Before I tell you what I think ought to be done with the House of Lords, I have only one more proposition to lay before you, and that is that on any reformed Second Chamber you should graft your reform upon the Second Chamber which has been handed down to you from immemorial times (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

247. That is the way a great and continuous Constitution is built up (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

248. You must do it, you can only do it, as part of a great settlement which places upon a new and permanent basis a bicameral, a two-Chamber system, adequate, fitted to deal with all modern necessities, and all modern problems, which shall not merely give that security to the Constitution which men of all parties ought to desire; but which will give to our opponents that which they so passionately claim, viz., the power of carrying out great reforms - or what they conceive to be great reforms (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

249. It is an honest and a genuine attempt to give that security which two Chambers alone can give, to give it without the destruction, the permanent destruction, of the House of Commons, to give it in a form which will graft the new institutions upon the old institutions which we have inherited from our fathers, and to give even to the gentleman who thinks himself most progressive, every hope of carrying any change, however important, if only he has behind him the great mass of the people of this country (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

250. Now, is it credible that if the Government insists on an appeal being made to our countrymen, they are going to give up their heritage because this kind of pressure is being put upon the Government partly by Socialists, and partly by Home Rulers? ('No, no.') It seems to me to be highly incredible (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

251. I appeal to every man, whatever his tradition, whatever be his party, or his upbringing, or his state in life (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

252. So far as our land policy is concerned, we as a party desire to see the number of freehold owners, large as it is now in spite of what our enemies say, increased (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

253. It would be as reasonable to say that the improvement of trade, if there be an improvement, is due to Free Trade as to say that the increased price of living is due to Free Trade (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

254. It is undeniable, it is common property of all parties, that the price of living for the poor has increased, and it has increased under a Free Trade Government. (Hear, hear.) I can't help thinking what would have happened if precisely the same increase had occurred under a fiscal reform Government (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

255. She is bound, therefore, to make treaties which may hamper the future of that fiscal union among different parts of the empire, that increased Free Trade from one end of his Majesty's dominions to the other, which is the ideal of the fiscal reformer, and surely ought to be the ideal of every Free Trader (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

256. I say it won't throw a burden, because it is ludicrous, as I think, to suppose that when your duty -on wheat, let us say - is confined to foreign wheat alone (cheers) - the cost of bread can be increased by any appreciable amount. That is my belief. I go further, and I say that even those who put at the highest possible the increase in the price of the loaf that would be made by fiscal reform, it is so small that it would not make a workman go from Nottingham to Derby if the price of bread at Nottingham were higher than the price of bread at Derby by the amount which this could possibly place on bread (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

257. I go further, and I say, grant for the sake of argument that the price of bread (we will say) is increased, it shall not increase the cost of living to the working man. (Cheers.) Now consider the great mass of voters in this country belong to the wage-earning class. They pay, they are ready to pay, they know they ought to pay, and they do pay a share of the heavy and increasing burdens which modern Governments exact from modern citizens. How do they pay it? They pay it in the shape of indirect

taxes on articles they consume habitually - tea, sugar, tobacco, beer, and so on - (A Voice: 'Cocoa!') -yes, and cocoa. (Laughter and cheers.) The pledge I give, on behalf of the party which for the time being I represent, is that no increase, if increase be possible or be imagined in the cost of living due to any change in these taxes on articles or consumption in consequence of tariff reform, shall fall on the working man's Budget with increased severity, because we have it in our power, and the power shall be exercised - (loud cheers) - we have the power of reducing those other indirect taxes, the taxes, for example, on tea and on sugar, At all events, on the consumption of the working man - that is the point -it shall fully compensate for any loss, if loss there be, which I do not admit. Do observe that these are two quite separate arguments, and it is no answer to the first to enter into a long discussion as to whether a duty on foreign corn will increase the price of bread, and how much it would increase it. I do not think it would increase it, but, grant that it does increase it, no working man or working woman shall suffer thereby (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

258. What would those placards have been if the rise in the price of food which has occurred in the last few years had occurred when tariff reform was in force? (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

259. Well, fortunately or unfortunately, it is under Free Trade, and not under tariff reform, that food has risen in price. I do not for a moment suggest - my methods are quite antiquated - (laughter) - and I am quite unable, however willing I might be, to imitate the happy methods of my opponents, and, therefore, I do not for a moment suppose that food has risen because trade is free. Of course it is not (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

260. But, above all, if you are going to raise taxes from urban land, those taxes should go to the city communities in which the land is situated (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

261. I say that you are trying the self-governing and sister States of which this empire consists, you are trying them too highly when you defer indefinitely making any response to the preference which they so generously and gladly give to the mother country. Canada is naturally, necessarily, rightly making its own arrangements, utterly irrespective of our Foreign Office, or our Board of Trade, with this foreign or that foreign country (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

262. Let me venture to lay before you as briefly as I can what I regard as the true policy that this country ought to pursue with regard to the Second Chamber - (hear, hear) - May I lay down these propositions? (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

263. I lay down a third proposition, which is that in a Constitution consisting of two Chambers, it is not the Second Chamber which should be the dominant one, but it is the so-called popular Chamber, it is the immediately representative Chamber, it is the House of Commons which is now, which for generations has been, and which, in my opinion ought to remain in that co-partnership, the dominant element. I lay down these three propositions which I believe every constitutionalist of every nation will probably agree to (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

264. The third proposition I lay down is that in this diminished Chamber should sit persons qualified by admitted public service (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

265. I have always believed that the destinies of this country were best entrusted to great organised parties in the House of Commons, but if either one - I don't care which it is - if either of the two great parties in the State, whose beginnings go back for 200 years or more, are becoming the temporary slaves of this section of Socialists, or that section of Home Rulers, then I say the party system has broken down (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

266. If they have awoken we shall support them - (cheers) - we shall support them in the House of Commons against either the less patriotic or the more short-sighted element in their own party -(cheers) - and never will we attempt to make capital out of any effort that they may make to put the empire back again in the situation in which it was five or six years ago (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

267. You cannot have an elected Second Chamber, taken out of the very elite of the community, having behind them their electorate as we in the House of Commons have behind us our electorate, you cannot have them there and keep them in a subordinate position (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

268. The driving force behind this revolution are two other parties - (hear, hear) - two other parties in the State, against whose honesty I make no accusation, but who would almost, I think, themselves admit that in the sense in which we use the word patriotism, they were unpatriotic (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

269. We are forewarned, and being forewarned, we are forearmed - (cheers) - and, believe me, we look forward to the fight, whenever it takes place, with full confidence of the results (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

270. Remember, in the first place, that the House of Lords under Lord Rosebery's guidance has accepted the principle that no man, merely because he is a hereditary peer, should have a right to a legislative seat in that Assembly (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

271. Then I think there should be an element in the House of Lords selected by the peers. I am sure that is right (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

272. On the contrary, I am perfectly certain that we should have been regarded as traitors to our cause had we gone further than we did go, further than we did go in the direction of that peace and goodwill between the Parties which, I readily admit, our four Radical colleagues in the conference were anxious to further (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

273. I say further with regard to that part of the argument that the duty of which I speak must expand those great fields of wheat supply, unlimited in amount, largely situated within the empire, from which wheat will come in free, and will come in freer and cheaper the more you encourage the extension of agriculture in those vast wheat-producing fields (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

274. These military surprises, as history shows, are full of disappointments - (laughter) - for those who attempt them - (laughter and cheers) - and I observe that already the Government forces have suffered under a kind of misfortune to which all surprise expeditions are liable, and that one ardent recruit - (laughter) - in the shape of the Home Secretary - (laughter) - has already fired off his rifle -(laughter) - before he was within range of the enemy (Laughter and cheers). (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

275. What are the markets outside these islands on which we have to depend very largely. Very largely they are tropical markets, markets which are not under the control of great industrial communities. Directly they get under the control of great industrial communities what happens? You are put at a disadvantage then and there (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

276. Do consider how much richer the Second Chamber is, and must always be, under our present system, how much richer it is for a certain amount of administrative and Imperial experience (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

277. At whose wish is this revolution to be undertaken and carried through? (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

278. Surely never have we come together to consult over the great political issues of the day with a fuller consciousness that on the decision to which the country may come within a few weeks hence depend the prosperity, the security, the reputation for political sobriety, which hitherto we have enjoyed among all other nations according to the judgment of even our severest critics (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

279. We are prepared to meet our opponents across the floor of the House of Commons and the House of Lords - (cheers) - if that is what they want, but if they prefer to put this question in December, on an old register with general inconvenience, before the constituencies within the next few days, again we are ready (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

280. We are not going to wait within our lines until we are attacked (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

281. I have told you within what limits we ought to work (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

282. Within the last few months, the present Government have appointed three Commoners to great positions representing their Sovereign abroad (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

283. Neither shall I dwell upon those uncontroversial aspects of social legislation which I believe both sides quite honestly wish to carry into effect - I mean such things as reform of the poor law, or insurance against invalidity (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

284. They purpose, by a reversal of the Osborne judgement, to turn the trades unions for their old, original, historic purpose, into a great political machine, and if they succeed there is not the slightest doubt that they will destroy not only the trades unions, but the Constitution of this country (Артур Бальфур, 1910) [Там же].

Приложение 2. Ориентационные метафоры в арсенале британских политиков в период с

1911 по 1920 гг.

1. Their moral force in taking up that attitude is increased to an extent which is simply incalculable by the fact that they will say, and that they will be entitled to say, that this intolerable tyranny, as they regard it, is being forced upon them against the will of the majority of their fellow citizens in the United Kingdom (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=79].

2. In the old days of despotic rule, one of the greatest enemies of the people was the King's friend, who played upon the weaknesses of his Sovereign for his own advantage (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

3. From information supplied by the Board of Trade, we know that during that period the cost of living has gone up almost 10 per cent, and wages have remained stationary (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

4. A friend of mine, who was a candidate for the House of Commons at the last election, was in Canada while the elections were going on. As soon as they were over this, he tells me, was the message that was everywhere given to him: 'We have done our part; it is up to the old country now.' (Cheers.) It is up to the old country now. (Hear, hear.) We have thrown away many opportunities. We are fortunate (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

5. The goal is in the first place to get rid of the present Government - (hear, hear, and laughter) -which from the beginning has been a danger to our country - (hear, hear) - and which now is tearing down the destructive path with ever-increasing rapidity (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

6. Under such circumstances there would be a temptation to form a Government simply of resistance, but what would be the result? It would be like building a dam against which the waters would pile themselves in ever-increasing volume (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

7. In such an age I cannot understand how any Christian, to whatever denomination he belongs -how any man can desire to weaken, if not destroy, a Church - (hear, hear) - which has undoubtedly been doing a great work, and doing it with ever-increasing efficiency - a work not only in the interests of Christianity, but in the interests of humanity (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

8. It is far more important from every other point of view, and its power and its real weight is enormously increased by the way in which that minority is concentrated (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

9. During the last ten years there has been a considerable increase in the total wealth of this country (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

10. In Germany, for instance, there has been a rise perhaps as great, certainly not greater, but as we know from the authoritative report of our own Consul to this Government, there has been a rise in wages which more than compensates for the increased cost of living (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

11. If you impose a new burden on the home product, and no corresponding burden on the foreign product, is it not evident - is it not certain - that the intensity, the severity, and the extent of that foreign competition must be increased (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

12. If we do not, then most certainly Bills introduced, with the best intentions, perhaps, for helping the poor, for helping unemployment, will inevitably turn out to be Bills to increase the number of the poor and to create unemployment (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

13. When I returned to the House of Commons in my new position I received a welcome from our old friends which, when in time difficulties arise, as they will arise, will always be in my mind to call to my recollection how sincere their welcome was towards me (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

14. A rise in the cost of living, without any corresponding rise in wages, is found in this country (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

15. Now, ladies and gentlemen, I do believe that Tariff Reform would tend to raise the level of wages, but I am sure of this, that without some change in our fiscal system a general rise in the level of wages is absolutely impossible (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

16. Can anyone suggest that the whole of that burden ought to be borne by the producer? Should not part of it at least fall on the consumer? Even Mr. Lloyd George has himself suggested that the consumer should bear part - (hear, hear) - but under our existing fiscal system how is that possible? (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

17. It is for us not only to preserve; it is for us also to create. It is for us to maintain, and we shall maintain, in spite of the lowering clouds which now threaten us, the integrity of the United Kingdom (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

18. We were told then that this treaty was a great step towards Free Trade. If that were true, then the rejection of the treaty is not a step, it is a leap backwards from what they call Free Trade (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

19. If I can be of any service to the party it will be simply by urging that party to move straightforward without haste, but without rest, to the goal which lies before it (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

20. I wish to impress upon you one aspect of that question, and one only, and that is whether it is right to carry a great change like this while our Constitution is in suspense, and while it is at least doubtful whether the majority of the people of this country desire the change (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

21. If he is right, we never have had benefactors like the present Government (Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

22. The real meaning of the rejection of that treaty was simply this - that Canadian people believed, and I agree with them, that President Taft was right when he said it was a case of now or never, because they believed that that election would decide, and perhaps finally decide, whether Canada was to continue to grow as an autonomous nation more closely bound to the British Empire, or whether it was to be more and more closely united socially, economically, and ultimately politically with the great friendly nation lying to the South (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

23. I go further, and I say now that in my belief, so far as I can judge, all classes, including employers - and what your Chairman said confirms for his part what I am now going to say - all classes would like the working classes to have as large a share of industry as is compatible with the success of that industry (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

24. I should never have undertaken the duties of my new position if I had not known, as I do know, that they had made the proposal not only in the interests of the party, but with a feeling of goodwill and of personal friendship towards myself - (cheers) - personal friendship which I am sure will last as long as we live (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

25. I said at the outset that I needed your indulgence. In any case under the circumstances in which we are met here tonight I could not expect to cover the whole field of current political controversy, but I have more than that to say (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

26. It was once said by Burke, 'The desire to preserve and the ability to improve, taken together, would be my standard of a statesman.' (Hear, hear.) If ever o ur countrymen entrust us with power it is in the spirit of those words that we shall undertake that trust (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

27. They carried them by what Mr. Balfour described in words which were not too strong, 'a felon stroke' - (cheers) - by a gross outrage not only on the spirit, but, as I believe, on the letter of our Constitution (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

28. If the Government, therefore, really try to carry out - I think they are beginning to realise its difficulties - if they really try to carry out the programme which they have so light-heartedly sketched, then in my belief - and this will be my last word to you on this subject - in my belief they will strain our Parliamentary institutions to the breaking-point (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

29. Well, the Budget is passed, and the outbreak last August, an outbreak of a kind unprecedented in this country, is, in my belief, simply the ripening fruit of the seed that was sown two years ago (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

30. .if the men at the head of the Government speak of those who have accumulated wealth as if they were outcasts, treat them as if they were beasts of prey to be shot at sight - (hear, hear) - well, you will indeed injure the capitalist, but you will injure far more vitally the man whose only capital is his

skill and his industry, and who has to depend for the employment of that capital of his not only on accumulated wealth, but on the energy of the men who are capable of accumulating that wealth (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

31. The vital interests, the most direct and personal interests of the whole population of these islands, are being sacrificed today. Why? In order to clear the line for the Home Rule express. (Hear, hear and 'Shame.') It is also due, I believe, to the necessity under which the Government felt of retaining the Irish vote at all costs (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

32. He said the Liberal party ought never to assume the responsibility of office except with an independent majority. He does not say that now. (Laughter.) Why? Because he has yielded to the temptation which Mr. Gladstone foresaw - (hear, hear.) - the most insidious temptation which can come in the way (under our political system) to any statesman - the temptation of sacrificing his own judgment, and, unconsciously, I am sure, but not less really, sacrificing not only his own judgment but sacrificing the interest of his country - (hear, hear) - not for his own sake - Mr. Asquith would not do that - but for the sake of the interests of the party of which he is a member (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

33. Well, ladies and gentlemen, we are living today under a provisional Constitution (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

34. Well, these people, not accepting strictly and literally Mr. Redmond's present declaration, have declared that under existing conditions they will not submit to such a government (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

35. Now, I said in one of the debates in the House of Commons, and I venture to repeat it here, that in my belief, the Government, under Irish domination, have not only destroyed our Constitution, but they are putting in danger our whole system of representative government (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

36. Under new conditions the same evil appears in a new form. The King's flatterers have become the flatterers of the mob - (hear, hear) - for under democratic institutions in every age and in every country the greatest enemy of the democracy has always been the demagogue (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

37. But we know that character cannot be formed except under good social conditions (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

38. I see also that the kindly suggestion has been made that when Mr. Balfour returns to the House of Commons, and asserts again, as he will assert, his old supremacy over the Assembly which he has dominated so long, it will be awkward for me (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

39. It cannot continue if a majority - and a small majority - tries to ride rough-shod over the minority (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

40. It is quite possible, and I think it probable, that without regard to our merits or demerits if we give the Government a little more rope we may step into their place (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

41. I am not going tonight into the general argument on the subject of Home Rule (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

42. During the short time they have been in office the amount of capital that has gone abroad for investment, as shown even in the very imperfect returns of the Inland Revenue Commissioners, is greater, taking the average of the five-year period, than in the twenty years before they came into office (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

43. They were submitted to the country, and in spite of his victory on the words Home Rule, they were defeated by an overwhelming majority (Эндрю Лоу Бонар, 1911) [Там же].

44. Now, this demonstration, conceived upon the same lines and in the same spirit, that a minority can, by shouting and tumult, bring the Parliamentary machine to a standstill, will not fail to be remembered and cited in the future if, when the Tory party is in power with a majority, not subject, as we are, to the restrictions of the Parliament Act, but capable of registering upon the Statute book any of its decrees at will through the automatic compliance of a partisan House of Lords - if, I say, with such a majority in power, the minority should be so ill-advised as to follow their example (Герберт

Асквит, 1912) [British Political Speech: http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm? speech= 16].

45. The whole theory upon which the Opposition, not only to the Home Rule Bill, but to all our measures, has been conducted rests upon this assumption - the assumption that, having passed the Parliament Act after strenuous controversy and after a General Election it had been approved by a large majority of the electorate, we are constitutionally debarred, after all we have said and done, from making any effective use of it. That is a very peculiar position, when you come to examine it, to take up (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

46. The first is - I am almost ashamed to go back upon it, but I am obliged to - the charge of what is called 'election trickery'; in other words, that we carefully concealed from the electors in November and December, 1910, that Home Rule was an issue, and, consequently, that our introduction of the Home Rule Bill was a fraud upon the constituencies (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

47. He said: 'What is the charge? It is that the present Government are in office immorally and illegitimately, that the election was taken upon a particular issue' (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

48. I undertake to say that if you look at the records of the General Election of December, 1910, there was not a single speaker on either side who ever said or suggested anything of the kind, nor was there a single elector who gave his vote either on one side or the other upon that hypothesis I said in the House of Commons, when this ridiculous charge was first put forward at the beginning of the present Session, speaking on February 20th, 'I want to know by whom, when, and where was any promise ever given that in the next Session after the passing of the Parliament Act the Government would proceed with proposals for the reconstitution of the Second Chamber.' (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

49. The imaginary picture the mover of the amendment drew was that we or some other Government might 'pile up' a great number of Bills, 'deluge' the country, and overwork the House of Commons (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

50. I admit that this election - or any election perhaps, certainly this election - cannot be described as taken upon Tariff Reform simply, but I have not the least objection to submit the principles of Tariff Reform to a Referendum (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

51. Much as he believed in Tariff Reform, if they found by a Referendum that the people did not want it, then he would not wish to force it upon them (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

52. First, it is an admission that the results of the new taxation - taxation upon corn, meat, upon dairy produce - will, or at any rate may, fall upon the consumer (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

53. He said this, and it is perfectly true: 'The Exchequer, when it reduces tea or sugar, loses the amount of the tax on the whole consumptio n' - that is perfectly clear - 'but when it imposes a tax on corn or upon meat it only gains the duty on a part of the consumption, since it does not collect it either upon the Colonial or upon the home production.' (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

54. He says that if you take the import duties proposed by Mr. Chamberlain's friends upon cereals and upon meat and dairy produce, taking the higher duty upon the foreign supply and the lower duty upon the colonial supply - he calculates that in 1912 the duty received by the Exchequer would not be more than eight millions, whereas the cost to the consumer in the increased price of the whole supply would be no less than eighteen millions (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

55. If you look at the duties, the whole benefit of which flow directly into the Exchequer, the duties on tea, sugar, cocoa, and coffee - they come in all to about 10^ millions - by a very simple calculation you will see that if the time should ever come for the redemption of this pledge that the burden to be imposed upon the consumer by the new taxes upon imported food is to be met by a diminution or some readjustment of existing taxation on food which we now consume - that it is a pledge which it is absolutely impossible for any Government or any party to fulfil (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

56. No; it would be an appeal dilating upon the hardships and grievances of the Insurance Act; and a majority so obtained, acting on the principle so clearly laid down by Mr. Balfour in the speech I quoted, would be used to carry Tariff Reform, with its burden of infinite suffering and loss on the working classes and upon the industries of this country, in defiance, as I still believe, of the opinion of the vast majority of the electors (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].

57. On that question my answer is threefold. It is to persist without haste, but without rest, in the programme which we have laid down; to obtain all those great measures of reform upon which for a generation past the aspirations and the hopes of the progressive party in this country and in Ireland have been fixed; and to claim for those measures what they have never had before, fair play and the possibility of passing into law (Герберт Асквит, 1912) [Там же].