Особенности бразильско-российских отношений при администрации Жаира Болсонару (2019-2022 гг.) тема диссертации и автореферата по ВАК РФ 00.00.00, кандидат наук Араужо Эстевес Ана Ливия

• Араужо Эстевес Ана Ливия
• кандидат наук
• 2024

Оглавление диссертации кандидат наук Араужо Эстевес Ана Ливия

Introduction

Contents

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Chapter 1. Theoretical and methodological approach towards the research on Brazilian-Russian relations during Jair Bolsonaro's administration (2019-2022)

1.1 International Relations theory of Constructivism and the systemic analysis of world affairs

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1.2 Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) and the decision-making process in Bolsonaro's foreign policy

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1.3 The French School of History of International Relations

1.4 Discourse Analysis and Content Analysis

Chapter 2. Brazilian diplomatic tradition and Jair Bolsonaro's foreign policy (2019-2022)

2.1 The principles of Brazilian diplomatic tradition according to Amado Cervo and its implementation in the foreign policy of Brasil

2.2 The 2018 elections and the realization of Bolsonaro's foreign policy goals: from rhetoric to practice

2.2.1 The withdrawal from international institutions

2.2.2 Disengagement from South American regional integration processes

2.2.3 North-South engagement and the alignment with the US

2.2.4 Jair Bolsonaro's approach to Brazilian-Russian relations

2.2.5 Balance of power changes within Bolsonaro's foreign policy team 88 2.3. Traditions of "presidential diplomacy" in Brazil and Jair Bolsonaro's position

Chapter 3. Jair Bolsonaro's Olavist foreign policy and its impacts in Brazilian-Russian relations during the mandate of minister of Foreign Affairs Ernesto Araujo (January 2019-March 2021)

3.1 Jair Bolsonaro's decision-making process: the nomination of Ernesto Araujo as Brazilian minister of Foreign Affairs

3.2. The evolution of Brazilian-Russian relations during the mandate of Ernesto Araujo 106 3.2.1. Political and technical-defense relations 106 3.2.2The focus on Brazilian-Russian economic and trade agenda

3.2.3 The role of Multilateral institutions - the BRICS and the G20 - in maintaining regular high-level contacts between Brazilian and Russian authorities

3.2.4 The maintenance of periodical bilateral meetings at the Secretariat level and support for institutionalized aspects of Brazilian-Russian relations 129 3.2.5. The exclusion of Latin American issues from the Brazilian-Russian bilateral agenda134

3.3. Shortcomings of the strategies adopted to maintain the pace of Brazilian-Russian relations

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3.3.1. The failure to convene bilateral commissions

3.3.2. The political disputes regarding the Russian-produced vaccine against COVID-19 Sputnik V

Chapter 4. Jair Bolsonaro's foreign policy course correction and its impact on Russian-Brazilian relations under Foreign Minister Carlos Franca (April 2021-December 2022)

4.1 Jair Bolsonaro's decision-making process: the nomination of Ambassador Carlos Fran5a as minister of Foreign Affairs

4.2. Carlos Fran5a's key foreign policy conceptions

4.2.1. The discourse analysis of Ernesto Araujo and Carlos Fran5a's approaches

4.2.2. Disruption and continuity between the foreign policy approaches of ministers Araujo and Fran5a

4.3. Carlos Fran5a's foreign policy of the "three emergencies" 172 4.3.1. The 'pandemic emergency' agenda: the revival of bilateral relations with strategic partners such as Russia and China

4.3.2 The 'economic emergency' agenda: the maintenance of North-South cooperation emphasis in detriment of South-South integration

4.3.3 The 'climate emergency' agenda: the restoration of Bolsonaro's foreign policy ties with Joe Biden's US and the European Union

4.4 The rekindling of Brazilian-Russian relations in 2021: the XI Brazil-Russia Intergovernmental Commission on Economic, Trade, Scientific and Technological Cooperation (CIC)

4.5. The state visit of Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro' s to Moscow

4.5.1 The structural issues of Brazilian-Russian relations

4.5.2 The advances in the technical-military cooperation

Chapter 5 - Jair Bolsonaro's diplomatic reaction to the beginning of Russian Special Military Operation in Ukraine and its impacts in Brazilian-Russian relations (February 24th 2022-December 31st 2022)

5.1. Brazilian diplomatic reaction to the beginning of the Russian Special Military Operation in February 24th 2022: "impartiality and non-indifference"

5.2. Brazilian diplomatic position regarding the Ukrainian conflict and its main directives

5.2.1. Condemning the beginning of hostilities in international organizations

5.2.2. Acting against the diplomatic isolation of Russia from multilateral organizations

5.2.3. Noncompliance with unilateral economic sanctions imposed against the Russian Federation

5.3. The evolution of Brazilian-Russian relations after the beginning of the Russian Special Military Operation

5.3.1. The high-level contacts

5.3.2. Brazilian-Russian trade and economic relations after February

5.3.3. "Realism and pragmatism" in Brazilian-Russian relations 243 Conclusion 246 List of primary and secondary sources 253 Appendix 1. Russian translation of the dissertation / Перевод диссертации на русский язык

Введение диссертации (часть автореферата) на тему «Особенности бразильско-российских отношений при администрации Жаира Болсонару (2019-2022 гг.)»

Introduction

Relevance of the research topic: International Relations is undertaking a moment of fundamental changes, in which power correlations in the world arena transition politically, economically and geographically. The relative decline of the main centers of power of the International System inherited from the post- Second World War period represent an opportunity for the rise of emerging economies, assembled in international fora such as the BRICS and the G20. Relieved from the restraints of a Western-dominated international arena, countries of the Global Majority will have more leverage to work bilaterally, without triangulation with obsolete centers power. In this context, countries such as Brazil and Russia have a unique opportunity to build an autonomous political and economic infrastructure to cement bilateral ties and cooperate autonomously towards building a multipolar world.

Both countries are fundamental actors in the International System and architects of the emerging multipolar world. Both countries actively engage in multilateral forums such as the G-20 and coordinate positions in the United Nations -including the Security Council, where Brazil has occupied a non-permanent seat in 2022, therefore within the chronological framework of this research. Bilateral political coordination in multilateral organizations is foreseen in the Plan for Political Consultations for the period 2022-2025, approved by Brazil and Russia during Bolsonaro's administration, under the auspices of the countries' Strategic Partnership1. Moreover, the dynamics of Brazilian-Russian ties are often reflected in the level of engagement of the BRICS2 forum, intensifying or decelerating its performance according to the degree of coordination between Moscow and Brasilia.

Despite eventual political and economic instabilities, Brazil is an emerging power in international relations. With a robust diplomatic tradition3, Brazil is the only Latin American country to have a seat on the table to participate in the resolution of global

1 Brasil, Plano de Consultas Políticas Brasil-Rússia (2022-25)- Plan politicheskikh konsultatsii na 2022-2025-, URL the Digital Library of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. https://concordia.itamaraty.gov.br/detalhamento-acordo/12520?TituloAcordo=R%C3%BAssia%20&tipoPesquisa=1&TipoAcordo=BL,TL,ML. (retrieved in: 28.02.2022).

2 Zhmaeva, E., Robles Herrera A. Results of Brazil's Presidency in BRICS // Actual Problems of Economics and Management. 2020. № 2(26). P. 110-115. (In Russian).

3 Borzova A. Diplomatic Service of Brazil as an instrument of realization of the country's foreign policy (1902-2014). M.: RUDN, 2016. (In Russian).

issues, such as Middle East peace settlement. Moreover, Brazil is a regional leader on nuclear nonproliferation, economic cooperation, environmental issues and a strong candidate to occupy a permanent seat in a reformed Security Council. The relevance of Brazil as an international actor is, therefore, indisputable.

The country went through a turbulent political period, starting with the controversial impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff in 2019 and culminating in the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022), shifting Brazil's international strategy significantly, as well as its image around the globe. It is necessary to understand the impact of the so-called "new Brazilian foreign policy" promoted by Bolsonaro's administration in Brazilian-Russian relations.

Bolsonaro's foreign policy is widely considered to be a rupture in Brazilian diplomatic tradition. However, during Jair Bolsonaro's mandate, an internal political crisis led to a leadership change in the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (known as Itamaraty) in March 2021. This research sustains that this development had a significant effect on Bolsonaro's foreign policy, bringing it closer to traditional Brazilian diplomatic practice. The leadership change in the Brazilian ministry of Foreign Affairs had immediate effects on Brazilian-Russian relations, which evolved from a period of crisis during the beginning of Bolsonaro's mandate until March 2021, to a period of rebuilding and deepening of relations, from April 2021 until the end of his administration.

Since the object of the study is Brazilian-Russian relations, and the subject is the specifics of these relations during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022), the author puts forward the following hypothesis.

The author suggests that the evolution of Bolsonaro's general foreign policy, which occurred under the influence of the "ministerial crisis" of March 2021, the change of leadership in the Brazilian Foreign Ministry had immediate effects on Brazilian-Russian relations, which evolved from a period of crisis during the beginning of Bolsonaro's mandate (until March 2021), to a period of rebuilding and deepening of relations, (from April 2021 until the end of his administration). The research sustains that, while the mandate of foreign minister Ernesto Araujo imposed a serious crisis in Brazilian-Russian relations, the term of foreign minister Carlos Franfa was characterized by rebuilding of ties followed by a deepening of relations. The results achieved during Carlos Franfa's period, added to the resources mobilized to overcome the crisis imposed by Araujo, lead

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to the hypothesis that Bolsonaro's administration overall can be considered as a positive period for Brazilian-Russian relations.

Based on this hypothesis, the research question can be formulated as follows: How did the change in the political situation in Brazil become a factor in the transformation of the foreign policy course of the Jair Bolsonaro administration and influence the specifics of bilateral relations between Brazil and Russia?

This research question entails a debate on the impact that a given administration has on a country's foreign policy. Therefore, we will question the Realist theory4 of International Relations, that considers the State as a unitary actor, in which domestic and foreign policy are separated, independent domains.

According to Milani5, since Brazil's redemocratization and the approval of the Constitution of 1988 the range of internal actors involved in the foreign policy elaboration and execution have widened, narrowing the gap between domestic and foreign policy. Therefore, it is legitimate to analyze the impact of particular administrations in Brasilia's foreign policy conduct.

While recognizing the capacity that administrations have to impact foreign policy elaboration and execution, this research will also scrutinize how internal institutional mechanisms, (such as the professional bureaucracy of the Brazilian State, especially the Itamaraty), act against abrupt changes in foreign policy course6. This will be fundamental to understand how the crisis installed in Brazilian foreign policy in the first period of Bolsonaro's ruling was mitigated by the Itamaraty and other domestic actors and finally reversed in the second period of Bolsonaro's administration. The fundamental dynamic of the Brazilian-Russian relations under Bolsonaro's administration identified in this research, is that of the installment and subsequent overcoming of a diplomatic crisis.

The research objective is to understand the impacts of the adoption of Jair Bolsonaro's "new Brazilian foreign policy" in bilateral relations between Brazil and Russia between 2019 and 2022.

4 Boekel, H., Rittberger, V., Wagner, W. Norms and foreign policy: Constructivist foreign policy theory. Center for International Relations/Peache and Conflict Studies, 1999.

5Milani, C., Pinheiro, L., Lima, M. Brazil's foreign policy and the 'graduation dilemma'. // International Affairs, Oxford. 2017. v. 93. n. 3. P. 585-605.

6 Lima, M. Instituiçôes Democráticas e Política Exterior. // Contexto Internacional, 2000. V. 22. N. 2. P- 265-303.

Considering the research objective, the chronological framework and sources available to investigate Brazilian-Russian relations during Jair Bolsonaro's administration, the main research tasks outlined are:

1 .To examine the main vectors of Jair Bolsonaro's foreign policy and its connection with the historical traditions of Brazilian foreign policy.

2. To demonstrate the impact that Jair Bolsonaro's foreign policy concepts have had on Brazilian-Russian relations and to determine the degree of discontinuity and continuity of Jair Bolsonaro's foreign policy towards Russia.

3. To identify the main dynamics in Brazilian-Russian relations during the administration of Jair Bolsonaro by assessing the different foreign ministers who have determined the course of Brazilian diplomacy towards Russia.

4. To explain the impact of external factors on the evolution of Brazilian-Russian relations during the period analysed, with special attention to the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic and the beginning of the Special Military Operation on bilateral relations.

5. To identify the main results of Brazil-Russia relations during the period under study, taking into account the dynamics of parameters such as trade flows, cooperation in sensitive areas and coordination in multilateral fora.

The chronological framework of the present research is limited to the period from January 2019 until December 2022, which is the interval of the constitutional mandate of Jair Bolsonaro as president of the Federative Republic of Brazil. Within this period, two different foreign ministers served under Jair Bolsonaro: Ambassador Ernesto Araujo, from January 2019 until March 2021, and Ambassador Carlos Franfa, from April 2021 until December 2022. This research considers the change of ministers as a relevant event in Bolsonaro's foreign policy and, therefore will divide Bolsonaro's administration into two period: the first, spanning from January 2019 until March 2021 and the second, covering April 2021 until December 2022.

Theoretical framework and methodology: Since the research is conducted within the field of International Relations, the thesis has engaged in the main ontological debates of this academic area with the support of the Constructivist theory of International Relations. The focus on issues such as the role of leaders and the influence of domestic issues in foreign policy conduct required the opening of "the State's black box" and the

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adoption of ideas proposed by scholar Alexandr Wendt in his pioneering book Social Theory of International Relations7".

Furthermore, the Constructivist approach will be critical to assess the role of ideas in foreign policy making. The influence of a leader's ideas is particularly relevant to address the role of minister of Foreign Affairs Ernesto Araujo in Brazilian-Russian ties. Araujo's peculiar world view and specific perceptions on the role of Russia in International Affairs were determinant to explain the meaningful deterioration of bilateral ties during his mandate. The works of authors identified with the Liberal school of International Relations, such as Keohane and Goldstein8, will also be mobilized to properly assess the role of ideas in world affairs.

In addition, the research adopted a middle-range International Relations theory to support the analysis of Bolsonaro's foreign policy in particular: Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). FPA emerged as a significant tool for this research, due to its emphasis on decision-making process, the role of individual leaders and the impacts of domestic policy in international affairs. This area of study in international relations is committed to producing agent-specific research that examines national policy at the highest level and analyzes domestic policy components to clarify foreign policy choices. While maintaining the role of the nation State as the fundamental level of analysis, as noted by Snyder9, FPA allows for the study of the psycho-milieu of foreign policy leaders as an essential tool to comprehend their decisions on what is called "foreign policy undertakings", as proposed by authors Harold and Margareth Sprout10.

Considering that this research assesses the evolution of a specific bilateral relation, within a specific period, it is necessary to adopt adequate historical theories and methods. A particularly valuable tool to undertake this task is the adoption of the French School of History of International Relations, forged by authors such as Renouvin11 and Duroselle12. These scholars have taken a vital epistemological step in International Relations,

7 WendtA. Social Theory of International Relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1999.

8 Goldstein J., Keohane R. Ideas and Foreign Policy: Beliefs, Institutions, and Political Change. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 1993.

9 Snyder R. Foreign Policy Decision-Making: An Approach to the Study of International Politics. Glencoe: Free Press. 1962.

10. Sprout H, Sprout M. Man-Milieu Relationship Hypothesis in the Context of International Politics. Princeton : Princeton University Press. 1956.

11 Renouvin P., Duroselle J.-B. Introduction à l'histoire des relations internationales. Paris : Armand Colin. 1964.

12 Duroselle J. B. Tout empire perira : Theorie des relations internationales. Paris: Armand Colin. 1992.

surpassing the traditions of diplomatic history and inaugurating the field of History of International Relations, mobilizing categories such as decision-making, culture and material determinants of State action. Through the adoption of the French School's theoretical framework, the examination of Brazilian-Russian relations will move beyond the enumeration of its diplomatic events or meetings at Embassies. The French School allows for encompassing social elements and the impact of the International System in researches dedicated to the history of bilateral ties.

The main methods used by this research were systemic-historic, as proposed by Tsygankov13, allied with tools such as discourse analysis and content analysis. The historical proximity of the period analyzed by this research and its preference for the assessment of human agency did require extensive analysis of speeches, interviews and other official and unofficial textual sources. To guarantee a responsible analysis of these materials, the research will observe the methodological principles proposed by Discourse Analysis tradition, as detailed in chapter one of this thesis. Discourse Analysis can be applied to asses both positivist and interpretivist research tasks. The positivist approach to Discourse Analysis will focus on the motivation of the agents to undertake a given course of foreign policy action, seeking for causal links between discourse and decision-making. In the other hand, an interpretivist approach will focus on the reasons behind the establishment of a given discourse and on investigating why and whether it has become dominant. Throughout the present research, both positivist and interpretivist Discourse Analysis capacities have been applied.

The evaluation of secondary sources: In order to determine the author's contribution to the study of the topic, it is necessary to assess the degree of study of the topic.

The research has applied a set of principles for secondary source selection, such as reliability, peer review and general acceptance by the academic community, defined by the relevance and number of quotations. Reliable secondary sources were defined according to the following criteria: a) the reliability of the author, assessed by his institutional affiliation, scholarly activity and number of quotations by his peers; b) the verification of the author's experience in the subject proposed by the article, attested by

13 Tsygankov, P. A. System approach in the theory of international relations // Vestnik of Moscow University. Ser. 12, Political Science. 2013. № 5. P. 3-25.

his publications list and research records; c) the articles selected were published in credible and influential academic journals, with relevant track record of publications and elevated number of quotations by Brazilian, Russian and/or Western scholars. Finally, the articles selected were published in a chronological framework that were relevant to the objective of the present research, with the exception of secondary sources regarding theory and method of International Relations.

The secondary sources were categorized in three main groups: the first is focused on scholars that specialize in Brazilian Foreign Policy analysis, Brazilian diplomatic history and relations with its main strategic partners. In this group, the research also comprises works of Brazilian, Russian and Western scholars on Bolsonaro's foreign policy. The second group is focused on authors dedicated to Brazilian-Russian relations in particular.

1). Secondary sources on Brazilian Foreign Policy: Research by Brazilian scholars such as Maringoni14, Casaroes15, Belem Lopes16, Pecequilo17, Lessa18, Cervo19 and Bueno20 will provide the base to determine the main pillars of Bolsonaro's Foreign Policy, its elements of continuity and rupture with Brazilian diplomatic tradition. The issue of continuity and discontinuity permeates the literature regarding Brazilian foreign policy, highly influenced by the idea that Brazil has permanent principles of diplomatic action, which remain unchanged, despite governmental variations. This fundamental trace of Brazilian foreign policy studies is credited mostly -but not exclusively- to the works of International Relations scholar and historian Amado Cervo21.

According to Cervo, Brazilian foreign policy has amassed a set of conducts and principles throughout its history, which became constant features of its external action22. These constant features provide a significant degree of predictability and continuity to

14 Maringoni, G., Shutte, G., Berringer, T. As bases da política externa bolsonarista. Santo André, SP: Editora UFABC. 2021.

15 Casaroes, G., Leal, D., Stolle, P. Brazilian Foreign Policy under Jair Bolsonaro: Far-Right Populism and the Rejection of the Liberal International Order. Cambridge Review of International Affairs. 2021

16 Belém Lopes, D. De-westernization, democratization, disconnection: the emergence of Brazil's post-diplomatic foreign policy, Global Affairs, 2020.

17 Pecequilo, C. Descontinuidades e Continuidades bilaterais Brasil-Estados Unidos: a gestao de Jair Bolsonaro (2019/2022), In: América Latina: Eleigoes e Mudanzas PolíticasMarília, SP: Projeto Editorial Praxis. 2023.

18 Lessa, A. C. Sessenta Anos de contribuigao para a formagao do pensamento brasileiro de Relagoes Internacionais: a segunda Semana Especial RBPI. Sao Paulo: Humanas. 2017.

19 Cervo, A. L. Insergao Internacional: formagao dos conceitos brasileiros. Sao Paulo: Editora Saraiva, 2008.

20 Bueno, C. A política multilateral brasileira. O desafio internacional. Brasília: Editora da UnB, 1994.P. 9-58.

21 Cervo, A. L. Insergao Internacional: formagao dos conceitos brasileirosSao Paulo: Editora Saraiva, 2008.

22 Ibid.

Brazilian foreign policy, providing it with elements of a state policy, as opposed to a government policy23. The permanent principles of Brazilian foreign policy proposed by Amado Cervo were described and adopted by the present research as a fundamental tool to assess not only the traces of continuity and rupture in Bolsonaro's foreign policy overall, but also the variations within the administration's foreign policy, reflected first and foremost in the change of helm at the Itamaraty from minister Araujo to minister Franfa.

Authors such as Casaroes24, Pecequilo25, Hirst26, Maringoni and Berringer27 have suggested that Bolsonaro's foreign policy represents a significant deviation from Brazilian diplomatic practices. The main trace of rupture in Bolsonaro's foreign policy would be his skepticism towards global governance, meaning distrust about the role of international organizations as a mean to solve common challenges. Other indications of rupture are the choice of preferential partners based on ideological alignment, as opposed to pragmatism; forsaking autonomy by adopting an automatic alignment with the United States and, finally, disregard for regional integration projects.

However, while there is a wide perception of Araujo's foreign policy as a rupture in Brazilian diplomatic tradition (Casaroes and Faria28, Maringoni29, Berringer30, Schutte31, Timofeeva32, Borzova and Martynov33), Carlos Franfa's foreign policy has been less scrutinized than his predecessor's. Since the end of Bolsonaro's government, there is an increased effort from Brazilian scholars to publish research encompassing this administration's foreign policy as a whole, therefore including Carlos Franfa's mandate

23Mariano, M. A política externa brasileira e a integrafao regional: uma análise a partir do Mercosul. Sao Paulo: Editora UNESP. 2015.

24 Casaroes, G. Eleifoes, política externa e os desafios do novo governo brasileiro. // Pensamiento Proprio, 2019 № 4950. P. 231-254.

25 Pecequilo, C. Brazilian foreign policy: from the combined to the unbalanced axis (2003/2021). Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional. 2021, V. 64, N. 1.

26 Hirst, M., Maciel, T. A política externa do Brasil nos tempos do governo Bolsonaro. Preprint 2022.URL: https://preprints.scielo.org/index.php/scielo/preprint/download/4771/9230/9673

27 Maringoni, G., Schutte, G., Berringer, T. Relafoes internacionais em um mundo em transformafao- As bases da política externa bolsonarista. Santo André: Editora UFABC. 2021.

28 Casaroes, G., Barros Leal Farias, D. Brazilian foreign policy under Jair Bolsonaro: far-right populism and the rejection of the liberal international order. Cambridge Review of International Affairs. 2021.

29 Maringoni, G., Schutte, G., Berringer, T. Relafoes internacionais em um mundo em transformafao- As bases da política externa bolsonarista. Santo André: Editora UFABC. 2021.

30 Ibid.

31 Schutte G., Fonseca B., Carneiro G. Jogo de Dois Níveis Voltado ao Eleitorado: Uma Análise da Política Externa Bolsonarista. // Conjuntura Global. 2019. № 2 (8).

32 Timofeeva J. Bolsonaro's 'Anti-Diplomacy'. // MGIMO Review of International Relations. 2022. № 3 (15). P. 77-97.

33 Martynov, B., Borzova A. History of foreign policy and diplomacy of Brazil: Textbook - Moscow: Aspect Press, 2021. (In Russian).

in the analysis. A vocal example is the selection of works organized by Maringoni, Marra and Schutte entitled "Pragmatismo irresponsável - Política externa e insergao internacional do Brasil no governo Bolsonaro34". Nonetheless, the unprecedented ruptures occurred during Araujo's period were still granted far more attention in the analysis, when compared to the low-profile foreign policy of Carlos Franga.

The eccentric and highly controversial characteristic of Araujo's foreign policy generated perplexity among the significant majority of Brazilian scholars, often obfuscating the analytical quality of the works dedicated to his period. The astonished tone of most works dedicated to the Brazilian foreign policy during Bolsonaro's years have concealed the nuances of the period, leading a number of scholars to dismiss the differences between Araujo's and Franga's foreign policy conducts. There is a general tendency to brush aside the differences between the two foreign ministers, arguing that, despite modulations in tone, there were no significant changes in foreign policy course.

In the above-mentioned selection of works, Maringoni, Schutte and Marra35 coined the expression "result-driven bolsonarism" to describe Carlos Franga's approach in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. According to the authors, Franga's approach was more moderate than his predecessor's, recognizing that he "executed a policy that, besides lacking spark, reduced the close to folkloric aspects of his predecessor and returned rationality to external relations". Nonetheless, the authors declare that Franga did not imprint significant changes in Bolsonaro's foreign policy, but rather maintained its strategies and ideological preferences.

Since the end of Bolsonaro's government Brazilian scholars are revisiting the administration's foreign policy with less perplexion, adopting a more restrained tone and approach36. In this context, the debate on the continuity and rupture is being revived, to include nuances within Bolsonaro's foreign policy. Pecequilo37 argued that, "despite the fact there indeed there were important ruptures in the national foreign policy during the 2019-2022 period, especially when considering the posture regarding multilateralism and international regimes (that is, regarding global governance as an instrument of

34 Maringoni, G., Marra, T., Schutte, R. Pragmatismo irresponsável - Política externa e insergao internacional do Brasil no governo Bolsonaro. Sao Paulo, Editora Telha. 2023.

35 Ibid.

36 Hirst, M., Maciel, T., A política externa do Brasil nos tempos do governo Bolsonaro. Disponível em: https://doi.org/10.1590/SciELOPreprints.4771. (retrieved in: 03.08.2024).

37 Pecequilo, C. Descontinuidades e Continuidades bilaterais Brasil-Estados Unidos (...)

international politics), other agendas cannot be detached from the history of international relations, such as the alignment with the US; the nationalistic views regarding climate change and human rights; and the diminished priority for regional integration." Pecequilo goes on to note that a number of traces of Bolsonaro's foreign policy (which this research identifies with Franfa's period) had precedents in Brazilian foreign policy history, especially in periods when "particular coalitions of interest were in power (rural and urban oligarchies, the Armed Forces, the Church, among others) and associated to the military dictatorship of 1964-198538"

The contribution of Pecequilo is vital to understand that, despite the political preferences of the analyst, a number of elements in Bolsonaro's foreign policy were not unprecedented in Brazilian history and do not deviate from the country's diplomatic tradition. The neoliberal and North-South focus of Franfa's foreign policy has precedents in Brazilian diplomatic action, even after redemocratization. This research identifies most of these precedents as associated to the mandate of Carlos Franfa, while recognizing that Araujo's period did indeed incur in significant ruptures and oddities. The fundamental changes in Brazilian-Russian ties from Araujo's to Franfa's administrations are clear examples of the contrasts between the two minister's approaches.

Belem Lopes, Carvalho and Santos clearly state that Bolsonaro's Brazilian foreign policy foes not entail an actual rupture with core historical principles upheld by diplomats and top officials, as he was not able to pull social and institutional levers in order to deliver new policy contents. After discerning Bolsonaro's controversial foreign policy statements from the actual execution of Brazilian foreign policy during the first years of his mandate, the scholars conclude that "there is much more continuity than foreign policy commentators would be willing to admit39". Despite the will to change Brazilian foreign policy, notably during Ernesto Araujo's term, the inability of Bolsonaro's team, added to the lack of internation adherence to his agenda, led to the failure to implement most of the president's foreign policy ideas.

Apart from the continuity and discontinuity debate, another issue of contention among authors specializing in Bolsonaro's foreign policy is its periodization and

38 Ibid.

39 Belem Lopes, D., Carvalho, T., Santos, V. Did the Far Right Breed a New Variety of Foreign Policy? The Case of Bolsonaro's "More-Bark-Than-Bite" Brazil. // Global Studies Quarterly. 2022. V. 2. P. 1-14.

chronology. Due to its unprecedented level of alignment to the interests of the Donald Trump administration in the United States (2017-2021), scholars such Berringer40 have proposed that Bolsonaro's foreign policy should be periodized according to the changes in US leadership. Therefore, Bolsonaro's foreign policy should be divided between a first period, from January 2019 until January 2021, when the White House was led by Donald Trump and a second period, from January 2021 until December 2022, coinciding with the Joe Biden administration. However, the clear importance of the Brazilian-US relations must not shadow the relevance that other topics had in Ernesto Araujo's demise, such as his troubled relations with China. Brazilian-Chinese relations were a more frequent issue of contention during Araujo's final hearings at the Senate than Brazilian-US ties. Ernesto Araujo publicly accused senator Katia Abreu, a politician that played a key role in his demise, of promoting his resignation due to his opposition to Chinese endeavors in Brazil, such as the use of Chinese 5G internet connectivity technologies41.

Despite recognizing the relevance that the change of leadership in the White House had to Bolsonaro's foreign policy, the present research will propose a different periodization. This research recognizes a foreign policy shift in Brazil in 2021, but considers it to be a consequence of the internal political crisis of March 2021, that led to the resignation of the minister of Foreign Affairs Ernesto Araujo. The internal political crisis was generated by the discontent among key Brazilian political and economic actors with Araujo's foreign policy, exacerbated by the perceived inaction of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in tackling the COVID-19 pandemic.

Scholars Borzova and Martynov have contributed decisively to the study of Brazilian Foreign Policy and diplomacy in Russian language. A. Borzova's "Diplomaticheskaia sluzhba Brazilii kak instrument realizatsii vneshnei politiki strany (1902-2014)42" (The Brazilian Diplomatic Service as an instrument for the implementation of the country's foreign policy, in a free translation to English) is the only comprehensive work about the Itamaraty, its history, institutional culture, structure and

40 Berringer, T. Governo Bolsonaro e os EUA: O nacionalismo ás avessas. Observatório de Política Externa e da Insergao Internacional do Brasil (OPEB). 2019. URL: http://opeb.org/2019/06/21/governo-bolsonaro-e-os-eua-o-nacionalismo-as-avessas/ (retrieved in: 05.09.2023).

41 Venaglia, G. Ernesto acusa Kátia Abreu de pressao em 5G chines; senadora rebate: 'marginal'. CNN Brasil. 28.03.2021. URL: https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/politica/ernesto-acusa-katia-abreu-de-pressao-em-5g-chines-senadora-rebate-marginal/ (retrieved in: 20.04.2023).

42 BorzovaA., Diplomatic Service of Brazil as an instrument of realization (...).

principles of external action published in Russian language. A decisive contribution of Borzova and Martynov for the study of both Brazilian Foreign Policy and Brazilian-Russian relations is given by the innovative "Istoriia Vneshnei Politiki i Diplomatii Brazilii43" (History of Brazilian Foreign Policy and Diplomacy, in a free translation to English). Their work recognizes the difficulties imposed by the domestic political crisis that culminated with the ousting of president Dilma Rousseff in 2016 to Brazilian external action. According to them, the period of 2016 until 2020 was characterized by an atypical deacceleration in Brazilian diplomatic activity44, despite the maintenance of activities under the BRICS and G20 forums. However, for their work was published in 2021, the authors unfortunately could not delve upon Brazilian foreign policy under the administration of Jair Bolsonaro as a whole, including the periods of both ministers of Foreign Affairs, Ernesto Araujo and Carlos França.

2). Secondary sources of Brazilian-Russian relations: Relations between Brazil and Russia were comprehensively studied during the years of Brazil's left-wing governments (2003-2016). The focus on Brazilian-Russian relations during the two first administrations of Brazilian left-wing president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva is comprehensible, since it was indeed a period of great advances in bilateral ties. During Lula's administrations a significant leap in bilateral trade was identified, as well as the advancing of relations in spheres such as space, defense and humanitarian cooperation45. Furthermore, the president of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, consummated the first visit of a head of State of Russia to Brazil during Lula da Silva's first mandate, in 2004. In the following year, presidents Lula and Putin signed the Plan of Action for the Strategic Partnership, materializing this heightened status of bilateral ties agreed upon in 200246.

A number of studies by L. Okuneva have been devoted to the issues of the intersection of Brazil's domestic and foreign policy and the development of Brazilian-

43 Martynov, B. F., Borzova A. Yu., History of foreign policy and diplomacy of Brazil (...)

44 Ibid. P.7.

45 Maslennikov A. V. New trends in the formation of political culture: Russian-Brazilian foreign policy relations (1990 -2014). Vestnik KazGUKI. 2015. №3. (In Russian). Sizonenko, A. I. Russia - Brazil: rich traditions, good present and promising future. International Relations. 2014. - № 2. - P. 184-188. (In Russian).

46 "We will give the world a new face". Results of the meeting between V.V. Putin and Lula da Silva. Latinskaya America. 2005. № 12. P. 56-59. (In Russian). Dabaghyan E. S. Brazil on the world arena / / World Economy and International Relations. 2012. № 3. P. 59-67. (In Russian). Yakovlev P.P. From Brazil to Russia: directions of strategic partnership of the BRICS member countries // Prospects. Electronic journal. 2019. № 4 (20). P. 6-20. (In Russian).

Russian relations, depending on the direction of Brazil's domestic policy. She has carefully traced the stages of the Russian-Brazilian partnership and in a number of works has convincingly demonstrated the dependence between the domestic policy of a particular Brazilian government and its foreign policy agenda.47 The advances in bilateral ties during those years led to a widespread belief that Russia had more affinity with left-wing governments not only in Brazil, but in Latin America in general48. It is important to study how the relations unfolded under the leadership of Jair Bolsonaro's right-wing government and put the above-mentioned assumption to test. The result of the inquiry clarified that Brazilian-Russian relations were not dependent on the Brazilian left-wing and were able to develop with different ideological and political groups within the country49.

A key issue to be debated is whether Bolsonaro's foreign policy presented an obstacle for the development of Brazilian-Russian ties50. Main authors debating this issue in Russia are Okuneva, L., Martynov, B., Simonova, L. and Davydov, V. These authors have proposed that since 2016, Brazil has been living under a "new political cycle", during which new priorities were established for its foreign policy. According to the above-mentioned scholars "the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff [2016] initiated a crisis in the political system. The subsequent victory of Jair Messias Bolsonaro in the general elections of 2018 [...] in practice initiated a new political cycle, accompanied by a change in development priorities both in domestic and foreign policy of the country, which, ultimately, may affect the nature of relations with Russia and other BRICS member countries". In this context, these Russian scholars noted that "in the foreseeable future, it

47 See, for example: Okuneva, L.S. Brazil: Radicalization of the Political Process (2013-2019). In: Ibero-American Notebooks. 2019. No. 3. P. 7-11(In Russ.); Okuneva, L.S. Brazil: Political Season "Fall/Winter 2020". On the "500 Days" of President Jair Bolsonaro's Government. In: Latin America. 2020. No. 10. P. 21-38(In Russ.); Okuneva, L.S. Brazil: Political Confrontation and Change of Course (2019-2022) // Latin America: Political Landscape Against the Background of Turbulence / Ed. Z.V. Ivanovsky. Moscow: ILA RAS. 2022. P. 69-119 (In Russ.); Okuneva, L.S. Visit of Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro to Russia. In: Latin America. 2022. No. 4. P. 23-41; Okuneva, L., Orlov, A. BRICS Rising Giant States: Role in World Politics, Strategies of Modernization: a collection of scientific papers. Moscow: MGIMO-University, 2012. - P. 392. (In Russian).

48 "Left Turn" in Latin America. Moscow: ILA RAN, 2007. - 215 с. (In Russian).

49 Razumovsky, D. Latin America. Request for a new social contract // Free Thought. - 2021. - № 1(1685). - P. 107-122. (In Russian).

50 Ivanovsky Z.V. Reformatting Russian-Latin American relations in the post-Soviet period // Latin America. 2023. No. 7. P. 98-109. (In Russ)

will be quite difficult for Russia to establish mutual understanding with Brazil, especially in the field of foreign policy".51

Another argument posed by the above-mentioned Russian scholars is that, during the Brazilian "new political cycle" the role of non-State actors will be fundamental to the development of ties between Brazil and Russia: "it is of particular importance to establish contacts between key representatives of the national entrepreneurial elite", argued the scholars. Additionally, "common conservative values can play a positive role52". These scholars also accurately predicted the increasing role of values in bilateral relations.

International Relations scholar Cull53 has developed on the role of non-state actors in International Relations and the importance of informal networks to the maintenance of bilateral ties. These networks can be maintained, even when formal diplomatic relations deteriorate or go through a crisis period. In such periods, these informal networks are activated to maintain essential contacts and might eventually work to overcome the crisis, by helping rebuild official ties between their governments54.

Contrasting with the lively scholarly debate on the issue of Brazilian foreign policy under Bolsonaro, articles on Brazilian-Russian relations during this period are surprisingly rare. Notable exceptions are L. Okuneva, M. Bezerra, Y. Timofeeva and M. Khvan55. Nonetheless, these works focused whether in one particular event of Brazilian-Russian relations (such as Bolsonaro's state visit to Moscow in February 2022, as in the case of Okuneva), or in the first period of Bolsonaro's foreign policy, mainly Ernesto Araujo's mandate. Yakovlev has included events of the Bolsonaro administration in his broad assessment of the evolution of Brazilian Russian Strategic Partnership, although without singling out the peculiarities of Bolsonaro's administration, as opposed to his predecessors56.

51 Simonova L., Davydov V., Okuneva L., Martynov B., Ivanovsky Z., Ermolieva E., Konstantinova N. Brazil: Change of Priorities in the New Political Cycle. Moscow. Institute of Latin America RAS. 2019. (In Russian).

52 Ibid, P. 5.

53 Cull, N. Public Diplomacy: Lessons from the Past. CPD Perspectives on Public Diplomacy. Los Angeles: Figueroa Press. 2009.

54 Noya, J. Diplomacia Publica para el siglo XXI: la gestión de la imagen exterior y la opinión pública internacional. Barcelona: Ariel. 2007.

55 Okuneva, L. The visit of Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro in Russian Federation. // Latinskaia Amerika, 2022. № 4, 23. (In Russian); Bezerra, M. Jair Bolsonaro's diplomacy: dismantling the traditional Brazilian foreign policy // Iberoamerican Notebooks. 2020. T. 8, № 3(29). P. 35-42. (In Russian); Timofeeva, Y. Jair Bolsonaro's 'antidiplomacy' (...); Khvan, M. C. Brazilian foreign policy during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. Society: Philosophy, History, Culture. 2020. No. 11(79). P. 81-97. (In Russian).

56 Yakovlev, P. P. Russia and Brazil in the paradigm of strategic partnership // Prospects. Electronic journal. 2022. № 4(31). P. 30-46. (In Russian).

Furthermore, Martynov and Borovsky have elaborated on Russian-Brazilian ties within the wider context of Russian-Latin American relations in their recent monography "Two Americas in contemporary International Relations (1991-2023)57" Jeifets and B. Jubran have greatly contributed in assessing Brazilian-Russian relations within the BRICS forum, as have Astakhov and Astakhova58. Sporadic research has been done in Russia on bilateral cooperation in the fields of tourism59, culture60, language61, business62, scientific cooperation63 and media64. Moreover, a significant part was published before 2016, preceding not only the beginning of the Brazilian "new political cycle", but also outside of the chronological framework of the present research (2019-2022).

While there are many Brazilian scholars that study Russian history and Russian foreign policy, research on the Brazilian-Russian relations65 are, unfortunately, rare. There have been very few works in this area, notably after 201666. We can mention Mielniczuk67 and Segrillo68 as scholars that have developed a consistent study in this area. Recently, Bandeira da Silveira69 has developed briefly on Brazilian-Russian relations under Bolsonaro in works dedicated to bilateral ties in the post-Cold War period.

57 Borovsky, Y. V., Martynov, B. F. Two Americas in Contemporary International Relations (1991-2023). Moscow: Aspect Press, 2023. (In Russian).

58 Jeifets V., Jubran B. M. The rise and fall of a strategic partnership: Brazilian-Russian relations within the BRICS framework //Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations. 2020. № 3 (13). P. 310-325. Astakhov E. M., Astakhova E. V. Brazil- Brics: From Lula da silva to Bolsonaro. Iberoamerica. 2020. № 1. P. 5-20.

59 Sushkova N., Azarenko V., Problems of Business Tourism Development between Russia and Brazil. // Bulletin of Voronezh State University. 2016. N° 4. P. 71-73. (In Russian).

60 Bragin V., Zhukova O., Zimin A., Komissarov B., Konstantinova N., Malkovskaya I., Moseikina M., Okuneva L., Podol A., Moseikina M., Pudov A., Serebryanny S., Tlostanova M., Bezerra M., Vasconcellos A., Villela Alves R., Gellagias N., Cavaliere A., Mello de Souza N., Moderno J. R., Morais F. Russia-Brazil: Transcultural Dialogs. 2012. Moscow: Lenand. (In Russian).

61 Mikaelyan Yu. I., Study of Russian Language and Literature in Brazil: History of Development and Actual Problems. // Human Capital Founders. 2018. N°4 (112). P. 31-39. (In Russian).

62 Salnikov P., Analysis of Business Relations between Russia and Brazil. New Trajectories of Development of International Financial Relations: Modern Model in the Digital Economy. Moscow: Knorus. 2018. P. 149-158. (In Russian).

63 Baryshev I. S., Scientific Ties between Russia and Brazil Moscow City Pedagogical University. Scientific Notes of the Russian State Social University Founders. 2011. N° 10 (98). P. 97-101. (In Russian).

64 Filippova V. A., Media Systems of Russia and Brazil at the Current Stage of Mass Communication. Collection of the Higher School of Journalism and Mass Communications. 2014. P. 89-98. (In Russian).

65 Jubran, B. M. Brasil e Rússia: política, comércio, ciência e tecnologia entre 1992 e 2010. Dissertation. Porto Alegre, 2012.

66 Souza, I. A. M. Brasil e Rússia: A Construçâo Da Parceria Estratégica No Pós-Guerra Fria. In: Barbosa, P. Os desafios e oportunidades na Relaçâo Brasil- Ásia na perspectiva de jovens diplomatas.2017. Brasilia: FUNAG. P. 135-172.

67 Mielniczuk, F. O Conflito entre Rússia e Geórgia: uma revisâo histórica. Estudos Internacionais. 2013. N°2. P.157-166.

68 Segrillo, A. A nova Rússia: balanço e desafios. II Conferencia Nacional de Política Externa e Política Internacional. Brasília: FUNAG. 2008. P. 67

69 Bandeira da Silveira, P. As Relaçoes Bilaterais Brasil-Rússia pós-URSS: Sucessos, obstáculos e Potencialidades. Revista Cadernos do Cáucaso. 2021. V. 4. No 1.

Nonetheless, no comprehensive study has been conducted in Brazil regarding Brazilian-Russian ties under Jair Bolsonaro's administration (2019-2022) to this day.

Evaluation of Primary Sources: The above-mentioned issues could be studies basing on different primary sources groups, selected according to the principle of reliability. The scrutinized documents were categorized in seven groups, namely: 1) published official documents, further subcategorized into Brazilian official documents, Russian official documents and documents published by International Organizations; 2) unpublished official documents; 3) speeches of government officials relevant to Brazilian-Russian relations; 4) trade, social and economic statistics provided by official sources; 5) mass-media articles and social media material; 6) documents published by non-governmental organizations; 7) interviews with public and private officials involved in the development of Brazilian-Russian ties and 8) private documents.

The first group of primary sources comprises published official documents of State institutions. These documents were essential to determine the main aspects and the place of Russia in Bolsonaro's foreign policy, as well as to assess its results. Official documents will guarantee the assessment of how Bolsonaro's foreign policy is executed not only in theory, but also in practical terms.

Documents of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs were be crucial to determine the impact of Bolsonaro's foreign policy in relations between Brazil and Russia. The "Concórdia" database of the Ministry was a useful tool that provided access to agreements signed between Brazil and foreign countries, including Russia. For example, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs database provided the research with the full text of the Plan for Political Consultations between Brazil and Russia (2022-25), signed during the meeting between ministers Sergei Lavrov and Carlos Franga, in Moscow, November 202170.

The Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs also publishes an annual Management Report (Relatório de Gestao"), containing fundamental aspects of the activities of the Itamaraty. The issuing of annual Management Reports addressed to the Federal Court of Accounts (Tribunal de Contas da Uniao) is mandatory for most government agencies in

70 Brasil, Plano de Consultas Políticas Brasil-Rússia (2022-25) [Plan for Political Consultations between Brazil and Russia (2022-25)]. Ministry of Foreign Affais of Brazil, November 30, 2021. URL: https://concordia.itamaraty.gov.br/detalhamentoacordo/12520?TituloAcordo=R%C3%BAssia%20&tipoPesquisa=1&T ipoAcordo=BL,TL,ML (retrieved in 28.02.2022).

Brazil, in an effort to increase public transparency. The reports are not only a relevant source of information on bilateral relations with Russia, but also of administrative changes in the Itamaraty, which reveal the priorities of each minister's mandates. This research has analyzed not only the Management Reports of2019, 2020, 2021 and 202271, but also of the preceding years, in order to assess disruptions and continuities in the ministry's works.

Other organs of the Brazilian Executive branch of power that publish documents and issue norms with significant impact in Brazilian-Russian relations were the Minister of Agriculture72, the Ministry of Defense73, and Mines and Energy74 and the Institutional Security Office of Brazil75, which provided the full text of the of the Protocol to Amend the Agreement of the mutual protection of classified information, signed during Bolsonaro's visit to Moscow. The Brazilian Trade and Investment Promotion Agency (APEX-Brasil, in the Portuguese anacronym) also publishes annual Management Reports76, which were thoroughly analyzed to assess the Brazilian export promotion strategy vis-à-vis Russia. Reports and technical notes of the Institute of Applied Economic Research (IPEA), an institution that provides subsidies for the Executive branch of government, were frequently used due to its timely assessment of pressing issues for Brazilian decision-makers77.

71 Brasil, Relatório de Gestao do Ministério das Relagoes Exteriores - URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/acesso-a-informacao/transparencia-prestacao-contas/relatorio-de-gestao-do-mre (retrieved in 15.07.2021).

72 Brasil, Joint Declaration from the Ministries of Agriculture and Foreign Affairs on the mission to Brazil of the Veterinary Service of the Russian Federation // Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Food supply of Brazil. April 15, 2019. URL: https://www.gov.br/agricultura/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/nota-conjunta-dos-ministerios-da-agricultura-e-das-relacoes-exteriores-sobre-a-missao-ao-brasil-do-servico-veterinario-da-federacao-da-russia (retrieved: 11.11.2021)

73 Brasil, Declaration of the Defense Attaché of Russia to Brazil during the 1st Friendly Nations Defense Attaches Meeting. Ministry of Defense. September 07, 2021. URL: https://www.gov.br/defesa/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/noticias/defesa-recebe-adidos-de-35-paises-para-reuniao-sobre-operacoes-realizadas-no-brasi. (retrieved: 11.11.2021)

74 Brasil, Joint Declaration between the minister of Energy of the Russian Federation, Nikolay Shulginov, and the minister of Mines and Energy of Brazil, Bento Albuquerque. Ministry of Mines and Energy. October 13, 2021. URL: https://www.gov.br/mme/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/bento-albuquerque-se-reune-com-ministro-da-energia-da-russia-nikolay-shulginov. (retrieved: 11.11.2021)

75 Brasil, Protocol to Amend the Agreement of the mutual protection of classified information. Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Capadocia Database. February 16, 2022. URL: https://concordia.itamaraty.gov.br/detalhamento-acordo/12543?TituloAcordo=R%C3%BAssia&tipoPesquisa=1&TipoAcordo=BL,TL,ML. (retrieved: 23.02.2022)

76 Brasil, Relatório de Gestao APEX. URL : https://portal.apexbrasil.com.br/noticia/apex-brasil-lanca-relatorio-de-gestao-com-resultados-de-2020/#:~:text=Apex%2DBrasil%20realizou%2071%20eventos,3%20mil%20vagas%20de% 20emprego. (retrieved: 11.11.2021)

77 Schmidt, F. Presenga de militares em cargos e fungoes comissionados do executivo federal. Nota técnica, Instituto de Pesquisa Económica Aplicada (IPEA), Brasília, 2022. URL: https://repositorio.ipea. gov.br/bitstream/11058/11211/1/NT_Presenca_de_militares_Publicacao_Preliminar.pdf (retrieved: 02.12.2021)

Moreover, the Transparency Portal operated by the Comptroller General of the Union of Brazil (Controladoria Geral da Uniao) provided fundamental information for the present research. It is worth noting the extensive database regarding public official international travelling schedules, which allowed this research to access all the official trips made by Brazilian federal government officials to Russia in the studied period78. The library of the Brazilian presidency, that details the daily agenda of the head of the Executive, also provided an important source of information regarding the nomination of Carlos Franfa79, as well as a useful fact-checking tool.

Documents of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs80, as well as the State Duma81, the Russian Ministry of Interior82 and other organs involved with Brazil-related projects between 2019 and 2022, were also relevant to analyze the Russian reception and reaction to Jair Bolsonaro's foreign policy. Documents published by the Russian presidency, such as the Conception of Russian Foreign Policy of 201683, were also valuable sources for the present research. State organs from the Judiciary84, such as the Prosecutor-General of Russia, will also figure in our research, since it has signed cooperation treaties with Brazil in the period scrutinized, such as the Memorandum of Cooperation between the Prosecutor-General's Office of the Russian Federation and Brazil85.

The COVID-19 pandemic had a strong impact on bilateral relations, especially due to the recognition process of the Russian-developed vaccine Sputnik V in Brazil.

78 Brasil, Portal da Transparencia do Governo Federal - Consulta de Viagens a Servigo. Ministério das Comunicagoes. URL: https://portaldatransparencia.gov.br/viagens (retrieved in: 12.03.2024).

79 Brasil, Agenda da Presidencia da República. Presidente Jair Bolsonaro. Presidencia da República. URL: https://www.biblioteca.presidencia.gov.br/presidencia/ex-presidentes/bolsonaro/agenda/2021/abril (retrieved in: 10.04.2024).

80 Russia, Speech and answer to media questions of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Sergei Lavrov, during joint press conference with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Brazil, Carlos Franga, after negotiations in the 2+2 format. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia. February 16, 2022. URL: https://mid.ru/ru/foreign_policy/news/1798743/ (retrieved in: 08.03.2022). (In Russian).

81 Russia, Volodin and Jair Bolsonaro discussed the development of Russian-Brazilian relations. State Duma of the Russian Federation. February 16, 2022. URL: http://duma.gov.ru/news/53464/ (retrieved: 08.03.2022). (In Russian).

82 Russia, The Russian Minister of Interior, https://MBg.p$/news/item/18982602/ (In Russian).

83 Russia, Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation (approved by President Vladimir Putin on November 3 0, 2016) URL: http://kremlin.ru/acts/bank/41451 (retrieved in: 27.08.2022). (In Russian).

84 Brasil, Memorandum of Understanding between the Prosecutor-General's Office of the Russian Federation and Brazil, signed during the V Meeting of the BRICS Heads of Prosecution Services. Prosecutor-General's office of Brazil. URL: http://www.mpf.mp.br/pgr/noticias-pgr/mpf-e-procuradoria-geral-da-federacao-da-russia-firmam-programa-de-cooperacao. (retrieved: 10.12.2021).

85 Brasil, Memorandum of Cooperation between the Prosecutor-General's Office of the Russian Federation and Brazil. Prosecutor-General's office of Brazil. January 10, 2022. URL: http://www.mpf.mp.br/pgr/noticias-pgr/mpf-e-procuradoria-geral-da-federacao-da-russia-firmam-programa-de-cooperacao. (retrieved: 10.12.2021).

Therefore, documents issued by the Brazilian Health Regulatory Agency86, the Consortium of Northeastern Governors87 and by the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on COVID-1988 installed at the Brazilian Congress89 were analyzed. Documents issued by the Russian Direct Investment Fund90 and by the Gamaleya Institute91 were also scrutinized.

Furthermore, the research has relied on official documents published by international organizations, particularly by the United Nations92, its Security Council93 and the Organization of American States94 . The UN Digital Library's voting database was extensively used in the third chapter of the present dissertation, to accurately analyze Brazil's reaction to the beginning of the Ukrainian conflict in February 2022.

The second group consists of unpublished official documents, which this research had access due to the Law of Access of Information of the Federative Republic of Brazil (commonly known as LAI)95. The LAI regulates the fundamental right of access to information produced or stored by state institutions, guaranteed in the Brazilian Constitution of 1988. By using the mechanisms of this law, this research was granted access to unpublished diplomatic correspondence between the Brazilian Embassy in Moscow and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (SERE, in the Portuguese

86 Anvisa, O presidente da Anvisa Barra Torres, fala sobre a vacina Sputnik v - 2021 URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kU4oOU5ks50&t=936s&ab_channel=Ag%C3%AAnciaNacionaldeVigil%C3%A2 nciaSanit%C3%A1ria (retrieved in: 05.12.2023).

87 Brasil, Ofício n° 032/2021 - CIDSN/PRESID to the Minister of Health Marcelo Queiroga, Brasilia, July 19th, 2021. URL: https://static.poder360.com.br/2021/07/Oficio-ConsorcioNordeste-MinisteriodaSaude.pdf (retrieved in:

07.12.2023).

88 Senado Federal. Adendo ao relatório final da CPI da Pandemia. Adendo aos dispositivos 6.7. Crise no Estado do Amazonas e falta de coordenagao do governo federal e 13. Indiciamentos. URL: https://legis.senado.leg.br/comissoes/mnas?codcol=2441&tp=4 (accessed in 12.01.2024).

89 Cámara dos Deputados, Requerimento que cobra informagoes sobre suposta pressao dos EUA contra Vacina Sputnik V. URL: https://www2.camara.leg.br/atividade-legislativa/comissoes/comissoes-permanentes/credn/noticias/aprovado-requerimento-que-cobra-informacoes-sobre-suposta-pressao-dos-eua-contra-a-vacina-russa-sputnik (retrieved in:

12.01.2024).

90 Russia, Federal Law "On the Russian Direct Investment Fund" dated 02.06.2016 N 154-FZ (latest version). URL: https://www.consultant.ru/document/cons_doc_LAW_198847/ (retrieved in: 20.02.2023).

91 Gamaleya National Center of Epidemiology and Microbiology. An Open Study of the Safety, Tolerability and Immunogenicity of "Gam-COVID-Vac Lyo" Vaccine Against COVID-19. URL: https://gamaleya.org/research/vaktsina-protiv-covid-19/ (retrieved in: 12.01.2024).

92 United Nations Security Council. Provisory Resolution S/PV.4726. URL: https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/PRO/N03/295/20/PDF/N0329520.pdf?OpenElement (retrieved in: 12.01.2024).

93 United Nations Security Council. Resolution S/RES/1929. URL: https://daccess-ods.un.org/tmp/8596518.03970337.html Accesse in 19.02.2023 (retrieved in: 12.01.2024).

94 Organization of American States. Suspension of the Status of the Russian Federation as a Permanent Observer to the Organization of American States. 2022, April 21. URL: https://scm.oas.org/doc_public/ENGLISH/HIST_22/CP45831E03.docx (retrieved in: 12.01.2024).

95 Brasil, Ordinary Federal Law number 12.527 of November 18th, 2021, regulate article 5, XXXIIII; article 37, §3, II and article 216, §2 of the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988.

acronym) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Brasilia. These documents are part of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs archives. The research had access to over 80 diplomatic communications that, despite being redacted to preserve personal information of public officials, have contributed to the study of important issues in the evolution of Brazilian-Russian ties under Bolsonaro, such as: the difficulties to convene the Brazilian-Russian High Level Cooperation Commission (CAN, in the Portuguese acronym)96, the imbroglio regarding the approval of the vaccine against COVID-19 Sputnik V in Brazil97, the pardoning of a Brazilian citizen arrested in Russia by president Putin98 and the cooperation in the field of Defense during Carlos Franfa's mandate99.

The third group consists of speeches of government officials, that were extensively analyzed not only as a source of information, but also as tools to engage in content analysis exercises. Moreover, the research relied on Discourse Analysis methods to properly assess the intents of policy making and execution in both Brazil and Russia, as well as the eventual disparities between discourse and practice in Bolsonaro's foreign policy and in Brazilian-Russian relations.

The research had made substantial use of speeches of public figures like the Russian president Vladimir Putin100, the Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro101, the Russian minister of foreign affairs Sergei Lavrov102, the vice-Russian minister of foreign affairs

96 Brasil, Ministerio das Relafoes Exteriores. Telegram n°: 00645, from BRASEMB MOSCOU to SERE. September 2nd, 2019. Authentication code: NjU0X3JhbWlyb2JfMDIvMDgvMjAxOQ==.

97 Brasil, Ministerio das Relafoes Exteriores. Telegram n°: 00097, from BRASEMB MOSCOU to SERE. February 15th, 2021. Authentication code: OTdfbWNvcnJhZGlfMTUvMDIvMjAyMQ==

98 Brasil, Ministerio das Relafoes Exteriores. Telegram n°: 00446, from BRASEMB MOSCOU to SERE. August 6th, 2021. Protocol number: 09002.003209/2023-84

99 Brasil, Ministerio das Relafoes Exteriores. Telegram n°: 00362, from BRASEMB MOSCOU to SERE. June 30th, 2021. Authentication code: MzYyX2hlcmJlcnRfMzAvMDYvMjAyMQ==

100 Russia, Meeting with the Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro]// Presidency of the Russian Federation. February 16, 2020. URL: http://www.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/62049. (retrieved in: 22.02.2022). (In Russian).

101 Brasil, Presidente Jair Bolsonaro tem reuniao com Vladimir Putin e trata de temas de interesse dos dois paises. [President Jair Bolsonaro meets with Vladimir Putin to discuss issues of mutual interests]// Presidency of Brazil. February 16, 2022. URL: https://www.gov.br/planalto/pt-br/acompanhe-o-planalto/noticias/2022/02/na-russia-o-presidente-jair-bolsonaro-tem-reuniao-com-vladimir-putin-e-trata-de-temas-de-interesse-dos-dois-paises. (retrieved: 22.02.2022)

102 Russia, Opening remarks of the minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Sergei Lavrov during negotiations with the minister of Foreign Affairs of Brazil Ernesto Araujo in the field for the meeting of the Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the BRICS, Rio de Janeiro, June 26,2019. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. URL: https://www.mid.ru/ru/press_service/minister_speeches/1466756/ (retrieved: 11.11.2021). (In Russian).

Sergey Ryabkov103, the Russian Ambassadors to Brasilia Sergey Akopov104 and Aleksey Labetsky105, the former Brazilian Ambassador in Moscow Tovar Nunes106 and the current Brazilian Ambassador in Moscow Rodrigo Baena Soares107.

Regarding the Itamaraty, the Alexandre de Gusmao Foundation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Brazil has assembled ministers Ernesto Araujo and Carlos Franga most notable speeches chronologically108. In the case of Ernesto Araujo, the Foundation has published a book entitled 'Política Externa: Soberanía, Democracia e Liberdade109" ("Foreign Policy: Sovereignty, Democracy and Freedom") compiling not only his allocutions, but also relevant interviews. Speeches often referenced in the present research were Araujo' and Franga's inauguration speeches, delivered in January 2nd, 2019, and April 6th, 2021, respectively; speeches at the ceremony of graduation of new diplomats, delivered by Araujo in May 3rd, 2019, and by Carlos Franga in September 1st, 2021; yearly assessment of their own performances, delivered by Araujo in December 13th, 2019, and by Franga in September 10th, 2021; speeches at the meetings of ministers of foreign affairs of the BRICS, delivered by Ernesto Araujo in September 4th, 2020, in Rio de Janeiro, and delivered by Carlos Franga in June 1st, 2021, in a virtual format.

Another important source of this research was the frequent, lengthy and meticulous hearings that both ministers of Foreign Affairs were submitted to in the Commissions of Foreign Relations and National Defense of the Brazilian Senate and its analogue at the Lower Chamber of Congress. During these hearings the ministers often exposed new

103 Brasil, Instituto de Pesquisa Económica Aplicada (IPEA). Vice-minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Sergei Ryabkov, speaks in an online conference promoted by the Institute of Applied Economic Research of Brazil (IPEA), named "Economic Relations between Brazil and Russia: Cooperation to Growth and Development". July 2, 2021. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eX7SpZPr5BE&t=3760s. (retrieved in: 11.11.2021)

104 Cámara Brasil-Rússia. Embaixador da Rússia Sergey Akopov Saúda Instalagao da Cámara Brasil Rússia. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N3QTJvgxIR0&t=2s&ab_channel=C%C3%A2maraBrasil-R%C3%BAssia (retrieved in: 23.02.2023).

105 Russia and Brazil intend to maintain and develop trade turnover. RIA Novosti. 05.03.2022. URL: https://ria.ru/20220305/braziliya-1776642768.html (retrieved in: 08.03.2022). (In Russian).

106 Brasil, Ministério das Relagoes Exteriores. Explicagao do voto do chefe da delegagao permanente do Brasil em Genebra Embaixador Tovar da Silva Nunes. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/canais_atendimento/imprensa/notas-a-imprensa/explicacao-de-voto-do-chefe-da-delegacao-permanente-do-brasil-em-genebra-embaixador-tovar-da-silva-nunes-por-ocasiao-do-201cdebate-urgente-sobre-a-situacao-dos-direitos-humanos-na-ucrania-decorrente-da-agressao-russa-durante-a-49a-sessao-do-conselho-de (retrieved in: 27.02.2023).

107 Brasil, Ministério das Relagoes Exteriores. Ambassador of Brazil to Russia, Rodrigo Baena Soares, speaks about Brazilian-Russian relation in an online conference promoted by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affair's think tank FUNAG. 27.10.2021. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=piNMy5TbTog. (retrieved in: 11.11.2021).

108 Brasil, Ministério das Relagoes Exteriores. Discurso de Posse Ministro Carlos Alberto Franco Franga. URL : https://www.gov.br/funag/pt-br/chdd/historia-diplomatica/ministros-de-estado-das-relacoes-exteriores/carlos-alberto-franco-franca-discurso-de-posse (retrieved in: 27.02.2024).

109 Araújo E. Política Externa: Soberania, Democracia e Liberdade. 2021. Brasilia: Fundagao Alexandre de Gusmao.

information to the public, detailed their foreign policy views in a wide range of issues, while also being repeatedly challenged by law makers, therefore engaging in lively debates. A particular relevant case was Araujo's hearing at the Senate in March 2021, which exposed the high degree of political animosity he was subject to in the Legislative, contributing significantly to his resignation. Besides, the repeated hearings of Carlos Franfa in both chambers of Congress110 to explain the Brazilian position regarding the Ukrainian conflict111 were fundamental sources of information for the present thesis.

The fourth group comprises statistics on Brazilian and Russian commercial and economic data. Considering that Brazilian foreign policy has economic development as a permanent goal, economic and trade data are regularly analyzed to assess the successes and failures of diplomatic strategies. The present research also relies on economic and trade data to evaluate foreign policy results, particularly extracted from Brazilian and Russian official databases. Examples are: the Comex Stat112 database on flows on tradable goods, provided and updated by the Brazilian Ministry of Development, Industry, Trade and Services and its Special Secretariat for Foreign Trade and International Affairs and the Comex Vis113 database, also coordinated by the Brazilian Ministry of Development, Industry, Trade and Services Economy, that provides graphics and other visual aids to analyze Brazilian trade flows; the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics114; the Russian Federal State Statistics Service115 (Rosstata), guided by the Ministry of Economic Development of the Russian Federation; the Federal Customs Service of the Russian

110 Senado Federal, Chanceler Carlos Franga fala á CRE sobre consequencias da guerra para o Brasil. 6.04.22. URL: https://www12.senado.leg.br/noticias/videos/2022/04/ao-vivo-chanceler-carlos-franca-fala-a-cre-sobre-consequencias-da-guerra-para-o-brasil-2013-6-04-22 (retrieved in: 12.10.2023).

111 Brasil, Ministério das Relagoes Exteriores. Intervengao do Ministro Carlos Franga em sessao de debates temáticos do Senado Federal. 24.03.2022. URL: https://www.gov.br/funag/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/politica-externa-brasileira/intervencao-do-ministro-carlos-franca-em-sessao-de-debates-tematicos-do-senado-federal-24-03-2022 (retrieved in: 13.02.2023).

112 Brasil, Ministério da Economia. Comex Stat. URL: http://comexstat.mdic.gov.br/pt/home (retrieved in: 25.02.2022)

113 Brasil, Ministério da Economia. Comex Vis. URL: http://comexstat.mdic.gov.br/en/comex-vis (retrieved in: 25.02.2022)

114 Brasil, Instituto de Geografía e Estatística. Contas Nacionais. https://www.ibge.gov.br/estatisticas /economicas /contas-nacionais/9300-contas-nacionais-trimestrais.html?=&t=serieshistoricas&utm_source=landing&utm_medium= explica&utm_campaign=pib#evolucao-taxa. https://www.ibge.gov.br/en/home-eng.html (retrieved in: 31.03.2022)

115 Russia, Federal State Statistics Service. Ministry of Economic Development of the Russian Federation. URL: https://rosstat.gov.ru/ (retrieved in: 25.02.2022)

Federation116 and the Open Data Russia Portal117, administered by the Russian Ministry of Economic Development.

The fifth group consist of media articles published by major media outlets. Analysis of media and social media interactions were necessary not only due to the historical proximity of the research, but also to access declarations and interviews provided by high-profile diplomatic and political authorities. Furthermore, Jair Bolsonaro's communication team has made wide use of social media and platforms to communicate with his electoral base, often circumventing official channels. Therefore, it was not uncommon for relevant foreign policy decisions to be publicized exclusively through social media channels, designed for specific groups within Bolsonaro's electoral base.

Before assessing the media sources used in this research, it is important to emphasize some media sources used to scrutinize the worldview and International Relation conceptions of minister Ernesto Araujo. As an individual engaged in the propagation of his ideas, Araujo was particularly active on social media. Prior to his nomination as minister of Foreign Affairs, Araujo wrote several pieces in scholarly journals, as well as on his own blog "metapolitica," all dully examined in this study. Carlos Franfa's approach was less focused on public relations, although he did publish opinion articles in the website Interesse Nacional118 (National Interest), coordinated by the think-tank Institute of International Relations and Foreign Trade (IRICE, in the Portuguese anacronym).

Following his resignation as minister, Araujo has temporarily left his duties as a diplomat in the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The former minister, relieved of his state obligations, has been very public about his experience in charge of the Itamaraty, recalling details and evaluating his performance in public interviews119 and in his own YouTube channel "Logopolitica". The information provided by Araujo, which was

116 Russia, Federal Customs Service of the Russian Federation. URL: https://eng.customs.gov.ru/ (retrieved in: 25.02.2022)

117 Russia, Open Data Russia Portal. Ministry of Economic Development of the Russian Federation. URL: https://data.gov.ru/ (retrieved in: 25.02.2022)

118 Franga, C. A Política externa como política pública: prioridades. Interesse Nacional. URL: https://interessenacional.com.br/a-politica-externa-como-politica-publica-prioridades/ (retrieved in: 20.10.2023).

119 Araujo E., Eneas P. Interview Ernesto Araujo to YouTube Channel Critica Nacional. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pCRmgZHQTko&ab_channel=PauloEneas (retrieved in: 27.08.2022).

carefully examined to produce the current research's findings, offers an intriguing window into his assessment of Brazilian-Russian ties throughout his tenure.

As noted above, president Bolsonaro himself also made extensive use of social media and internet platforms to communicate with the public120. The almost daily live transmissions that Bolsonaro conducted in his YouTube channel, often accompanied by ministers and lawmakers, provided an important source of information to assess the president's thinking on foreign policy issues121.

In relation to the media sources utilized in this study, the chosen articles were published by media outlets authorized to perform journalistic duties, in accordance with Brazilian or Russian laws. Media outlets were further subdivided into a) international news agencies, b) government or public-sponsored media, c) Brazilian media outlets and d) Russian media outlets.

Moreover, media materials whose authorship can be identified were given preference, for the heighten accountability of news articles signed by its elaborators. It is worth noting the works of particular journalists, whose works were relevant or quoted regularly in the present research, such as Jamil Chade, Igor Gielow, Eliane Oliveira and Thais Bilenky122.

International news agencies whose coverage of the Brazilian-Russian relations were relevant to the present research are the Associate Press, Bloomberg News, and Reuters. Government of public-sponsored media outlets will comprise the Agence France-Presse, Agencia Brasil, BBC, China News Service, Russian News Agency TASS, Xinhua News Agency and the news agency MIA Rossiya Segodnya, especially its Portuguese-language branch, Sputnik Brasil.

120 Bolsonaro, J. Pronunciamento do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro. 24.02.2021. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GkWU-ZTtBIU&ab_channel=JairBolsonaro (retrieved in: 27.08.2022).

121 Bolsonaro, J. Pronunciamento do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro - 24.02.2021. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GkWU-ZTtBIU&ab_channel=JairBolsonaro (retrieved in: 27.08.2022).

122 Chade, J. Brasil fica de fora de aliança comercial contra Rússia na OMC. Portal UOL. 15.03.2022. URL: https://noticias.uol.com.br/colunas/jamil-chade/2022/03/15/brasil-fica-de-fora-de-alianca-comercial-contra-russia-na-omc.htm Gielow, I. Pressao do Itamaraty derruba almirante ligado a Bolsonaro. Folha de Sao Paulo, 28.09.2023. URL: https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/poder/2023/09/pressao-do-itamaraty-derruba-almirante-ligado-a-bolsonaro.shtml Oliveira, E., Gullino, D. 'Chanceler paralelo', almirante assessor de Bolsonaro tem mais viagens ao exterior que Carlos França e gera incómodo no governo. O Globo. 19.06.2022. URL: https://oglobo.globo.com/politica/noticia/2022/06/chanceler-paralelo-almirante-assessor-de-bolsonaro-tem-mais-viagens-ao-exterior-que-carlos-franca-e-gera-incomodo-no-governo.ghtml Bilenky T. Futuro chanceler propós a Bolsonaro pacto cristao com EUA e Rússia - 16.12.2018 - Folha de Sao Paulo. URL: https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/mundo/2018/12/futuro-chanceler-propos-a-bolsonaro-pacto-cristao-com-eua-e-russia.shtml (retrieved in: 09.11.2023).

The Brazilian media outlets scrutinized throughout this research were Brasil de Fato, Carta Capital, Correio Brasiliense, CNN Brasil, DefesaNet, Estado de Sao Paulo, Folha de Sao Paulo, Jornal do Brasil, Nexo, Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil, O Globo, Piaui, portal G1, portal UOL, Veja, Valor Economico, among others. Russian media outlets that have covered Brazilian-Russian relations since 2019 are Izvestiya, Krasnaya Zvezda, Kommersant, Komsomolskaya Pravda, Lenta.ru, Moskovskaya Pravda, Moskovsky Komsomolets, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, RBK daily and Vedomosti.

The sixth group comprises documents of non-governmental organizations. These materials were crucial to assess the influence of non-State actors in Brazilian-Russian relations, particularly during its crisis period in Ernesto Araujo's term. Nongovernmental organizations can be further subdivided in a) Reports and declarations emitted by business associations and business interest groups123, b) Reports, data and declarations published by private and State-owned companies124 c) material produced by business, forums engaged in issues concerning Brazilian-Russian relations125.

The most relevant business forum for developing bilateral relations during Bolsonaro's administration was the Russian-Brazilian Business Council, that for a significant period of the present research was headed by the CEO of the Russian producer of fertilizers Phosagro, Andrey Guriev, and by the CEO of the Brazilian meatpacking company Marfrig, Marcos Molina. The Council has issued a report presented to the Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro during his official visit to Moscow, in February 16th, 2022.

The seventh group consists of interviews with government officials, diplomats and relevant personalities to the Brazilian-Russian ties between 2019 and 2022. Interviews available for the present research include: minister of Defense of Brazil from 2021-2022, Walter Braga Netto; minister of Mines and Energy from 2019-2022, Bento Albuquerque; Ambassador of Brazil to Russia Rodrigo Baena Soares (2021 until present); president of the Brazilian Association of Beef Exports (ABIEC) Antonio Jorge

123 Cariello, T. Investimentos chineses no Brasil 2022: tecnología e transiçao energética. Conselho Empresarial BrasilChina, 2022. URL : https://www.cebc.org.br/2023/08/29/numero-de-projetos-chineses-no-brasil-bateu-recorde-em-2022/ (retrieved in: 23.02.2023).

124 Embraer Investor Relations. Golden Share of the Brazilian Federal Government. 2022. URL: https://ri.embraer.com.br/en/governance/golden-share/ (retrieved in: 12.07.2023).

125 Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (RSPP). Recording of the meeting of the Brazilian-Russian Economic Council promoted by RSPP, during the visit of the Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro to Russia. 15.02.2022. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wCEu7ZyWqsw (retrieved in: 23.02.2023).

Camardelli; president of the Brazilian Association of Animal Proteins (ABPA), president of the Brazilian Association for Development of Nuclear Activities (ABDAN) Celso Cunha; former Executive-Secretary of the Consortium of Governors of the Northeast of Brazil, Carlos Gabas; director of the Brazilian Agency for Export Promotion (APEX) in Moscow, Almir Américo; Brazilian member of parliament and current Secretariat for Institutional Relations of the Presidency of the Republic, Alexandre Padilha; Brazilian Ambassador Sérgio de Queiroz Duarte; former Ambassador of Brazil to Russia Tovar da Silva Nunes, among others.

The research also made use of private documents, classified in an eight group of primary sources. The particular case is that of the letter of renunciation sent from Ernesto Araujo to president Jair Bolsonaro, in March 29th, 2021. The letter was published by the diplomat in his social media and made available to the public. In this document, Araujo explains the rationale behind his resignation to the president and expresses frustration over "the frontally adverse currents" and "false and hypocritical narrative" that, motivated by "vested national and international interests" made it impossible for him to continue "working for our ideals"126. The document was fundamental to assess the relations between these two relevant leaders for Brazilian foreign policy and Brazilian-Russian relations.

Original scholarly research contributions to the subject field: The primary and secondary sources selected for the present research guarantee a relevant scholarly contribution. This research is the first to comprehensively analyze Brazilian-Russian relations under Jair Bolsonaro's administration. This study contributes to the scholarly debate by identifying the impact of this foreign policy in relations between Russia and Brazil and describing the place of Russia in Bolsonaro's diplomatic action.

The research also contributes to the study of Brazilian Foreign Policy, as it identified elements to establish that Bolsonaro's foreign policy underwent a significant change in March 2021, when minister of Foreign Affairs Ernesto Araujo resigned his post. Contrary to other Brazilian Foreign Policy analysts, this research sustains that Araujo's successor Carlos França imprinted significant changes to Bolsonaro's foreign policy. Therefore, this research innovates when proposing a chronology to the study of

126 Letter of resignation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Brazil, Ernesto Araujo, to the president Jair Bolsonaro. 29.03.2021. URL: pic.twitter.com/laHBOmUhIt (retrieved in: 20.02.2022)

Brazilian Foreign Policy under Bolsonaro, dividing it in two periods: the first extending from January 2019 until March 2021, the second from April 2021 till December 2022.

The research has established a particular interpretation of Bolsonaro's foreign policy, questioning the widespread belief that it represents an unprecedented rupture with Brazilian foreign policy tradition. This study has identified enough nuances in Bolsonaro's foreign policy to establish that, while ruptures were made during the mandate of Ernesto Araujo in the helm of the Itamaraty, his successor Carlos Franfa has conducted a foreign policy that is in tune with Brazilian tradition. This correction of course in Bolsonaro's diplomacy had significant influence in the dynamics of Brazilian-Russian ties during his mandate.

As a result, the research determined the main dynamic in the evolution of Brazilian-Russian ties under the administration of Jair Bolsonaro: a significant crisis in the first period (January 2019 until March 2021), followed by a period of rapprochement and deepening of relations in the second period (April 2021 until December 2022). The research also identified the strengthening of networks of non-State actors during the first period, that guaranteed the maintenance of relations at an acceptable level. This network has contributed significantly to the rebuilding of relations under Carlos Franfa and almost achieving the mark of US$ 10 billion in bilateral trade in 2022- a goal established by Brazil and Russia under the auspices of the Strategic Partnership agreements in 2002. Taken as a whole, Bolsonaro's administration can be considered a turbulent but productive moment for Brazilian-Russian relations.

Moreover, the selection of non-governmental documents and reports, particularly those of private companies and the Russian-Brazilian Business Council, shed light to a lesser studied side of these bilateral ties: the influence of non-State actors and its role in maintaining relations during periods of crisis. The research will be the first to scrutinize official documents, meeting records and reports by the Brazilian-Russian Business Council elaborated during Jair Bolsonaro's visit to Moscow, between 15 th and 17th of February, 2022.

The study also provides novel material on the Brazilian diplomatic position regarding Russia's special military operation starting in February 24th, 2022, by carefully analyzing Brasilia's voting records at the UN throughout that year. The research also mapped the Brazilian response to the above-mentioned event in a series of multilateral

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organs, identifying the main patterns and principles of the country's response to this relevant geopolitical event.

Furthermore, the research brings to light unpublished archive documents that have not yet been analyzed by scholars. The access to documents of the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Brazil illuminate the main themes of Brazilian-Russian relations and reveal eventual obstacles for further developing bilateral relations.

The research also scrutinized in detail official documents emitted by both Brazilian and Russian governments in its original versions, without recurring to translations by third parties. The same is true for the study of secondary sources by Brazilian and Russian authors, all read in their original versions. The ability to work with both Portuguese and Russian languages enhanced the reliability of the sources and the credibility of the interpretation of first and secondary sources.

Provisions for the thesis defense

1) Brazilian-Russian relations under Jair Bolsonaro's government have experienced the following dynamic: a deep crisis during Ernesto Araujo's mandate as minister of Foreign Affairs (January 2019 until March 2021), followed by a rebuilding period and deepening of relations under his successor, Carlos Franfa (April 2021 until December 2022).

2) The crisis period was installed due to the particular world view espoused by minister Ernesto Araujo, affiliated to the ideas of Brazilian philosopher Olavo de Carvalho. Araujo's conviction that Russia is an expansive power, engaged in establishing a world communist hegemony in partnership with China made him reluctant to engage with Moscow. Two other elements contributed to Araujo's skepticism towards Russia: his aim to align Brazilian foreign policy to the external objectives of the Donald Trump administration in the US and his strong opposition to the left-wing government in Venezuela -which he considered to be a Russian-Chinese satellite in Brazil's neighborhood.

3) Ernesto Araujo's negative perception of Russia was not necessarily shared by other relevant groups in Bolsonaro's administration, nor by specific segments of the Brazilian business elite, or by Araujo's peers inside the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In order to avoid a greater setback, these groups engaged in a series of strategies to mitigate the influence of Ernesto Araujo's ideas in Russian-Brazilian ties. The damage control

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strategies identified were: a) avoiding the regionalization of the bilateral agenda, by refraining to include divisive issues such as Venezuela and the Bolivian crisis of 2019 in the bilateral agenda b) focusing on economic and commercial issues, considered pragmatic issues, sheltered from political influence and c) maintaining institutionalized relations, for example, the periodic political consultations meetings, provided for in the pre-existing Strategic Partnership agreement signed in 2002 between the parties.

4) The leadership vacuum in Brazilian-Russian relations left by Araujo and, therefore, by the higher echelons of the Brazilian ministry of Foreign Affairs, was fulfilled by non-State actors, particularly by business elites. The most vocal example is the rise of the Russian-Brazilian Business Council, whose activities contributed greatly to maintain bilateral ties. This research has identified and described the role of the "Guriev diplomacy" in the Russian side (a reference to the president of the Russian-Brazilian Business Council and CEO of fertilizers producer Phosagro, Andrey Guriev), which was mirrored by the Brazilian "fertilizers diplomacy" in 2022. The strengthened role of nonState actors not only prevented further setbacks in Brazilian-Russian relations under Araujo, but also guaranteed a relatively quick rebuilding and deepening of ties under Carlos Franfa.

5) Ernesto Araujo's world view, which entailed a uncooperative approach and disengagement from Brazilian-Russian relations, led to widespread domestic discontent with his foreign policy course and, eventually, to his resignation. Araujo's subordination of pragmatic interests to a foreign policy agenda focused on values generated strong domestic opposition, eventually forcing him to resign due to increased pressure from the National Congress. Araujo's resignation can be considered an overdue realization from different economic and social groups in Brazil that the values-based, messianic foreign policy conducted by the minister did not meet the complex, multi-leveled national interests of Brazil.

6) The domestic crisis that led to the resignation of Araujo revealed the urgency of including the demands of specific social groups into Bolsonaro's foreign policy agenda, such as the export agenda of the agribusiness sector, the technological international cooperation demands of the Brazilian military and the urge to go back to multilateral diplomacy manifested by the Itamaraty's diplomatic bureaucracy. In order to successfully

include these domestic demands in his foreign policy agenda, president Bolsonaro nominated the career-diplomat Carlos Franfa to succeed Araujo.

5) The minister Carlos Franfa's approach was in tune with Brazilian diplomatic tradition, according to the constant principles of Brazilian foreign policy proposed by scholar Amado Cervo. Therefore, Carlos Franfa's foreign policy constitutes a rupture with the practices of his predecessor, particularly by reducing the role of ideas and values in Brazilian diplomatic practice. Nonetheless, traces of continuity can be identified, providing Bolsonaro's foreign policy with unity, despite the change of leadership in the Itamaraty. The clear preference for North-South cooperation in detriment of South-South, including by sidelining political and social regional integration processes; the focus on trade liberalization and open regionalism; and the goal to join the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) are examples of continuity between Araujo and Franfa. Nonetheless, Carlos Franfa's foreign policy represented a departure from Ernesto Araujo in strategic terms, considering the lowering of the role of ideology, restoring pragmatism, reinserting Brazil in the main international organizations and global governance, while rebuilding key-bilateral partnerships for the country, including rekindling the Strategic Partnership with Russia.

8) The relevant adjustments made in Brazilian Foreign Policy under Carlos Franfa had significant impacts on Brazilian-Russian relations, which first entered a period of rapid rebuilding and then experience a deepening of ties. Strong indicators of the rapprochement with Russia promoted by Franfa were his personal visit to Moscow in November 2021, the convening the second main bilateral Commission provided for in the Strategic Partnership agreement (the Brazilian-Russian Intergovernmental Agreement for Economic, Commercial, Scientific and Technological Cooperation, or CIC) and, finally, president Jair Bolsonaro's State Visit to Moscow in February 2022.

9) Furthermore, the evolution of Brazilian-Russian relations during Carlos Franfa's administration was greatly determined by the strategic importance of the fertilizers trade for bilateral ties. The relevance of the fertilizer's agenda stems from the strengthening of the influence of business elites in bilateral relations occurred during Araujo's mandate. Other key issue in bilateral ties under Franfa is the Brazilian interest in cooperation with Russia in the field of nuclear technology, not only for energy

production, but also for the development of the Brazilian Navy's project to build a nuclear-powered submarine.

10) Moreover, the aggravation of the Ukrainian conflict in February 24th, 2022 brought challenges to Brazilian-Russian relations. The diplomatic position adopted by Brazil during Jair Bolsonaro's administration was one of impartiality, focused on four main directives: 1) condemning hostilities; 2) advocating against the diplomatic isolation of Russia; 3) noncompliance with economic sanctions and 4) maintaining channels of dialogue with Moscow open.

11) The Brazilian position of impartiality regarding the Ukrainian conflict and its diplomatic choice to keep the pace of bilateral relations with Russia in both the political and economic spheres after the eruption of the security crisis in February 2022 led to strong results in the trade area, reaching an overall US$ 9.812 billion in exchanges -a 34,7% year-on-year increase. The performance of Russian exports to Brazil in 2022 was the best in the history of bilateral relations and far exceeds the annual average of US$ 2.74 billion between 2011 and 2020.

12) Despite the accomplishments, Brazil and Russia failed to achieve a professed bilateral goal, that was to convene the Brazilian-Russian High-Level Cooperation Commission (CAN), after a seven-year gap. This Commission is the main forum to develop the strategic partnership between Brazil and Russia, according to the Action Plan of the Strategic Partnership signed by the parties in May 2010. Thus, while Brazil did not refrain from celebrating in-person contacts in the ministerial level in the sidelines of multilateral meetings, as in the case of BRICS, G-20 and the UNGA after the events of February 2022, Brasilia adopted a more cautious approach in celebrating high-level inperson meetings in the strictly bilateral level, as would have been the case of convening of the CAN.

Applied results of the research and research approbation

The main provisions and conclusions of this research were tested in the framework of Russian and International scientific and practical conferences:

• Brazilian-Russian relations under the geopolitical transformation: new dynamics and players // Fifth International Conference "The World Majority in New Realities: The Regional Dimension", HSE, Moscow, December 2023.

• Brazil's diplomatic neutrality: its traditional origins and manifestations under the administration of Jair Bolsonaro // Sixth International Forum "Russia and Iberoamerica in a turbulent world: history and modernity", Saint Petersburg State University, Saint Petersburg, October 2023.

• Brazil-Russia relations in the area of innovation: how can the countries find ways to cooperate in a new geopolitical dimension? // Academic Seminar at the event "Ukrainian Conflict: Origins and Consequences to Brazil. Federal University of Santa Catarina (Brazil), Florianopolis, May 2023.

• Sanctions policy and Brazilian-Russian relations in 2022: how the countries found paths of cooperation under the new geopolitical dimension // Fourth International Conference "The World Majority in contemporary international realities: from fragmentation to new institutionalization", HSE, Moscow, December 2022.

• Brazilian defense industry and participation of Brazil in UN peacekeeping: do national industries benefit from Brazil's role in UN? // Academic Seminar "Peacemaking, peacebuilding and mediation in Latin America", RUDN University, Moscow, November 2022.

• Relations between Russia and Latin America: the examples of Brazil and Chile // Round Table "Chile and the causes of slow economic development", HSE, Moscow, September 2022.

• Ernesto Araujo and Russia: How the former minister of Brazil's former foreign minister influenced relations between Brazil and Russia? // Third International Conference "Iberoamerica and Russia: Diplomacy and Diplomats". HSE, Moscow, May 2022.

• Brazil's reawakening to the BRICS during the COVID-19 pandemic -lessons on pragmatism and universalism in foreign policy // International Conference for Young Researchers "The world after the pandemic: global challenges and development prospects", Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO RAS), Moscow, April 2021.

• Brazilian Humanitarian Diplomacy: traditions and contemporary practice // Key note speaker at the Academic Seminar in the framework of the research project "Quo vadis Iberoamerica: internal transformations and a new role in international affairs", HSE, Moscow, April 2021.

The results and conclusions of the study can be used in courses for undergraduate and graduate students in international relations and regional studies, as well as practical recommendations for government and non-governmental bodies involved in developing relations with Brazil and other Latin American countries.

List of publications relevant to the thesis

1. Esteves A. L. Relaçoes entre Brasil e Espanha sob Bolsonaro (Relations between Brazil and Spain under Bolsonaro's government) // Cuadernos iberoamericanos. 2021. Vol. 9. No. 2. P. 48-64. DOI: https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-48-64

2. Esteves A. L. Ernesto Arauj o and Russia: How the Brazilian ex-chancellor's ideas influenced Bilateral Relations between Brasilia and Moscow? // ISTORIYA ("History"). The Journal of Education and Science. 2022. Vol 13. No 10. Article 120. DOI: 10.18254/S207987840023498-6.

3. Esteves A. L. Brazil's diplomatic impartiality: traditional origins and manifestation during Jair Bolsonaro's administration // Latin America. 2023. No 10. C. 6-25. (In Russ.) DOI: 10.31857/S0044748X0026793-1.

4. Esteves A. L., Zhukov N.N. History of Brazilian Federalism: From the First Republic to the Dictatorship of Vargas. Cuadernos Iberoamericanos. 2023;11(4):205-227. (In Russ.) DOI: https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2023-11-4-205-227.

5. Esteves A. L. Latin American disintegration under Jair Bolsonaro during Brazilian chancellor Ernesto Araujo's mandate (2019-2021) // Vestnik RUDN. International Relations (article accepted for publication).

Заключение диссертации по теме «Другие cпециальности», Араужо Эстевес Ана Ливия

Заключение

Бразильско-российские отношения основываются на прочной исторической базе, выстроенной за почти 200 лет двусторонних связей. Президенты Бразилии Жаир Болсонару и его российский коллега Владимир Путин охарактеризовали эти отношения как «теплые и доверительные», 1196 а глава российского МИД Сергей Лавров отметил «взаимное уважение друг к другу и к интересам друг друга, независимо от обстоятельств». 1197 Данное исследование выявило причину, по которой отношения удается поддерживать на приемлемом уровне, несмотря на идеологические и геополитические потрясения: когда возникают обстоятельства, способные поставить под угрозу отношения, стороны не остаются безучастными, пассивно наблюдая за развитием событий. Осознавая важность бразильско-российских связей, дипломатическая бюрократия и заинтересованные группы активно включаются в процесс защиты отношений и предотвращения урона. В рамках этой работы такая активная вовлеченность была отмечена по меньшей мере дважды: когда внутренние препятствия для развития отношений возникли из-за публичного сопротивления сотрудничеству с Россией со стороны бразильского министра иностранных дел Э. Араужо и когда внешние вызовы этим отношениям вышли в повестке на первый план, как в случае эскалации украинского конфликта в 2022 г.

Несмотря на ожидания, что президентство Ж. Болсонару станет серьезным вызовом для бразильско-российских отношений, результаты, достигнутые за период с января 2019 по декабрь 2022 г., оказались положительными для двусторонних связей. К концу президентского срока Болсонару бразильско-российские отношения перешли с периода низкой активности и традиционно прочного политического диалога к стратегическому диалогу по чувствительным для обеих стран вопросам, например, сотрудничество в области ядерных технологий.

Комплексное исследование бразильско-российских отношений в период президентства Ж. Болсонару показывает следующую динамику: спад в течение мандата Э. Араужо на посту министра иностранных дел (с января 2019 г. по март 2021 г.), за которым последовала фаза восстановления и укрепления связей под руководством его преемника К. Франсы (с апреля 2021 г. по декабрь 2022 г.).

Основные причины кризисного периода были связаны с личными убеждениями и концепциями министра Э. Араужо, который поддерживал идеи бразильского философа Олаво де Карвальо в сфере внешней политики. Согласно этой мировоззренческой позиции, Россия является экспансионистской мировой державой, стремящейся вместе с Китаем установить глобальную коммунистическую гегемонию. Подобное специфическое восприятие роли Российской Федерации в мировых делах породило скептицизм, с которым он стал относиться к сотрудничеству с Москвой. Другими фактороми, препятствовавшими взаимодействию с Россией, стал его курс идеологической и внешнеполитической «согласованности» с администрацией Дональда Трампа, т.е. подчиненности политике США, а также его конфронтационный подход к Венесуэле, связанной тесными дипломатическими отношениями с Россией.

1196 Россия, Президент России, Совместное заявление Президента Российской Федерации В.В.Путина...

1197 Россия, Министерство Иностранных Дел, Вступительное слово министра иностранных дел РФ Сергея Лаврова на переговорах с министром иностранных дел Федеративной Республики Бразилия Карлосом Алберто Франса. 30.11.2021. URL: https://www.mid.ru/en/press_service/photos/meropriyatiya_s_uchastiem_ministra/1787833/ (дата обращения: 28.04.2024).

Однако другие влиятельные группы, входившие в правящую коалицию Бразилии, не разделяли взглядов Э. Араужо относительно внешней политики и якобы отрицательной роли России в международных делах. Отдельные представители бразильской деловой элиты, вооруженных сил и ряд коллег Араужо в МИД разработали тактику, направленную на смягчение влияния идей Э. Араужо и предотвращение значительного ухудшения в бразильско-российских отношениях. Эти тактика включала: а) уход от дебатов по вопросам, в которых у Бразилии и России были противоположные взгляды, а именно по Венесуэле и кризису в Боливии 2019 г.; б) приоритетность экономических и торговых вопросов, которые рассматривались как прагматичные и менее подверженные политической конъюнктуре; в) поддержание институционализированных отношений, таких как регулярные политические консультации, проводимые сторонами в соответствии с Планом действий по соглашению о стратегическом партнерстве, подписанным в 2010 г.

Осознанный шаг назад, сделанный Араужо отношениях с Россией, и исключение от решения этих вопросов высших эшелонов Итамарати, привел к вакууму в лидерстве, который в конечном итоге был заполнен негосударственными акторами, особенно бизнес-элитами. Возросшее значение Российско-бразильского делового совета является одним из самых ярких примеров этого замещения, что помогло сохранить двусторонние отношения на рабочем уровне и сохранить базовый уровень текущих контактов. Роль негосударственных акторов в бразильско-российских отношениях в период президентства Болсонару, особенно в период мандата Араужо, была обозначена в данном исследовании как «дипломатия Гурьева» — по имени генерального директора компании по производству удобрений «Фосагро» Андрея Гурьева, который активно способствовал поддержанию темпов двусторонних связей. Таким образом, участие негосударственных акторов не только функционировало как эффективный инструмент для поддержания бразильско-российских отношений во время работы Араужо, но также обеспечило относительно быстрое восстановление связей под руководством К. Франсы.

Одним из центральных вопросов в бразильско-российских отношениях в этот период стал вопрос торговли, касающийся поставок из России и импорта удобрений в Бразилию. Этот вопрос был поднят на самый высокий уровень двусторонней повестки и регулярно обсуждался на президентском уровне. В ответ на российскую «дипломатию Гурьева» происходит мобилизация различных сегментов бразильской исполнительной власти, что получило название «дипломатия удобрений», особенно после обострения украинского кризиса в феврале 2022 г. Важность этого продукта в двусторонних отношениях теперь неоспорима, так как Бразилия зависит от удобрений для обеспечения продуктивности своего мощного агробизнеса, а Россия рассчитывает на Бразилию как на своего основного внешнего партнера. В результате бразильско-российские отношения обрели фактор взаимозависимости, закрепив постоянный интерес обеих сторон к поддержанию диалога вне зависимости от внутренней и внешней политической конъюнктуры.

Тактики, направленные на минимизацию ущерба, которые были предприняты различными сторонами в рамках двусторонних отношений, чтобы избежать осложнений, связанных с позицией Араужо, не смогли предотвратить недовольство его внешней политикой, как внутри страны, так и за рубежом, со стороны партнеров Бразилии. Внешнеполитические идеи и концепции Э. Араужо стали одной из причин утраты им политической поддержки. Приоритизация им ценностей над прагматичными интересами была истолкована Национальным конгрессом, как противоречащая национальным интересам

Бразилии, и в результате именно Национальный конгресс оказал решающее давление в вопросе его отставки. Отставку Араужо можно рассматривать как запоздалое признание со стороны различных экономических и социальных групп в Бразилии, что идеологическая внешняя политика, проводимая бывшим министром, не соответствовала национальным интересам страны.

Однако отставка Араужо — это всего лишь внешнее проявление более широкого дисбаланса его внешнеполитического курса. Ценностно-ориентированная внешняя политика не смогла ответить на запросы конкретных социальных групп внутри коалиции Болсонару, особенно на экспортную повестку агробизнеса, технологическое международное сотрудничество, отстаиваемое представителями вооруженных сил, а также на стремление Итамарати к возврату в участии в многосторонних форумах. Президент Болсонару осознавал, что для удовлетворения этих запросов, необходимо реформировать свою внешнюю политику. С этой целью глава исполнительной власти заменил руководство Итамарати, выбрав малоизвестного карьерного дипломата Карлоса Франсу на смену Араужо.

В данном исследовании было установлено, что внешнеполитический подход министра К. Франсы соответствует исторически сложившейся дипломатической традиции Бразилии, опирающейся на постоянные принципы внешней политики Бразилии, разработанные Амаду Серву. Как показал примененный контент-анализ, подход К. Франсы значительно снижает роль идей в бразильской внешней политике, что представляет собой разрыв с практиками его предшественника. В целом, подход К. Франсы к внешней политике отличался от подхода Э. Араужо, что проявилось в снижении влияния ценностей и подчеркнутом прагматизме курса, повторной интеграции Бразилии в основные международные организации и в укреплении ключевых двусторонних партнерств, независимо от идеологических симпатий. Тем не менее в исследовании также были выявлены элементы преемственности между подходами двух министров, что придает внешней политике Болсонару внутреннюю согласованность. Очевидные признаки преемственности включают предпочтение сотрудничества по линии Север-Юг в ущерб линии Юг-Юг, пренебрежение процессами политической и социальной региональной интеграции, акцент на либерализацию торговли и открытую регионализм, а также высокоприоритетную задачу вступления Бразилии в ОЭСР.

В результате автор предложила разделение внешнеполитического курса Болсонару на два периода, основанных на дивергенции внешнеполитических целей Араужо и Франсы: первый период внешней политики Болсонару охватывал мандат министра Э. Араужо (январь 2019 - март 2021), тогда как второй охватывал мандат министра К. Франсы (апреля 2021 -декабрь 2022).

Значительные изменения в бразильской внешней политике под руководством К. Франсы положительно повлияли на бразильско-российские отношения, открыв период восстановления двусторонних связей. Усилия Франсы по улучшению диалога с Россией были подтверждены его визитом в Москву в ноябре 2021 г., созывом Бразильско-Российской межправительственной комиссии по экономическому, торговому, научному и техническому сотрудничеству — ключевого двустороннего комитета, созданного в рамках соглашений о стратегическом партнерстве, а также успешной организацией официального визита президента Ж. Болсонару в Москву в феврале 2022 г.

Эскалация украинского конфликта 24 февраля 2022 г. создала серьезные вызовы для отношений двух стран. Дипломатическая реакция Бразилии на это событие исходила из четырех директив, основанных на внешнеполитическом принципе «беспристрастности»: 1)

осуждение начала боевых действий 2) противодействие попыткам отдельных стран изолировать Россию на дипломатическом уровне 3) отказ от выполнения экономических санкций, введенных без одобрения ООН 4) поддержание активных каналов связи с Москвой. Исследование показало, что дипломатическая позиция Бразилии, принятая в ответ на обострение украинского конфликта, соответствует постоянным принципам внешней политики Бразилии по Серву. Приоритет мобилизовать прецеденты при формулировании ответа на конфликт наблюдалось как в бразильских двусторонних отношениях с Россией, так и в действиях в рамках многосторонних форматов.

Позиция Бразилии, основанная на принципе «беспристрастности» и решение поддерживать темпы дипломатических отношений с Россией как по политической, так и по экономической повестке привели к значительному увеличению двусторонней торговли: общий объем обменов достиг $9,812 млрд, что составляет увеличение на 34,7% по сравнению с предыдущим годом. Российский экспорт в Бразилию в 2022 г. превзошел любой предыдущий год в истории двусторонних отношений, значительно превысив средний показатель в $2,74 млрд в год, выявленный за период с 2011 по 2020 гг.

Полученные данные демонстрируют основные характеристики бразильско-российских торговых отношений во время визита Болсонару в Москву, а именно: 1) доминирование непромышленных товаров 2) сосредоточенность на продуктах, которые считаются стратегически важными для обеих сторон, либо для продовольственной безопасности, либо для обеспечения продуктивности бразильского агробизнеса (как в случае с удобрениями); 3) концентрация в нескольких секторах и крупных компаниях с значительным политическим весом и 4) высокая концентрация на ограниченном ассортименте продуктов.

Анализ выступлений политических лидеров и дипломатов Бразилии и России позволяет исследованию выявить основные цели, которые стороны ставят перед собой в торговых отношениях: 1) достижение общего объема торговли в $10 млрд 2) диверсификация торговых отношений путем добавления более широкого ассортимента товаров 3) увеличение доли товаров с более высокой добавленной стоимостью 4) включение обменов в секторе услуг, особенно в сфере высоких технологий и финансовых услуг 5) привлечение к торговым отношениям средних и малых компаний. Эволюция торговых связей в период правления Болсонару привела к значительному увеличению объема и стоимости товарооборота между сторонами, приблизившись к достижению первой цели к декабрю 2022 г. Эта цель была практически достигнута в 2022 г., поскольку общий объем торговли составил $9,8 млрд, однако не произошло изменений в структуре торговых потоков, и, следовательно, не были достигнуты оставшиеся четыре цели, перечисленные выше.

Развитие двусторонних отношений под руководством К. Франсы было в значительной мере обусловлено стратегической важностью торговли удобрениями. Важность повестки по удобрениям связана с возросшей ролью деловых элит в двусторонних отношениях еще в период руководства Э. Араужо. Еще одним ключевым аспектом бразильско-российских отношений при К. Франсе стало установление Первого политического и военного диалога между сторонами, в ходе которого Бразилия закрепила свой интерес к сотрудничеству с Россией в области ядерных технологий не только для генерации энергии, но и для продвижения программы атомной подводной лодки ВМС Бразилии. Таким образом, можно утверждать, что одним из главных достижений бразильско-российских отношений в период

правления Болсонару является прогресс в сфере обороны, включая сотрудничество в области чувствительных технологий.

Несмотря на успехи в торговле и расширение областей сотрудничества за счет включения вопросов обороны, Бразилия и Россия не смогли достичь заявленной цели по организации заседания Бразильско-российской комиссии высокого уровня по сотрудничеству (CAN) после семилетнего перерыва. Согласно Плану действий по стратегическому партнерству, подписанному в мае 2010 г., эта комиссия служит основной платформой для углубления диалога между Бразилией и Россией. Исследование выявило неоднократные заявления российской стороны о желании созвать CAN в первом полугодии 2022 г., которые тормозились нежеланием бразильской стороны. Таким образом, несмотря на то, что Бразилия продолжала участвовать в очных встречах на министерском уровне в ходе многосторонних мероприятий, таких как БРИКС, G20 и Генеральная ассамблея ООН после февраля 2022 г., Бразилия проявила большую осторожность в организации очных встреч на уровне исключительно двусторонних отношений, как это было бы в случае успешного созыва CAN.

Несмотря на вызовы, бразильско-российские отношения в период президентства Ж. Болсонару продвинулись и могут считаться продуктивным моментом, поскольку: 1) они доказали, что двусторонние отношения устойчивы и способны выдерживать периоды кризиса 2) они опровергли идею о том, что бразильско-российские отношения процветают только тогда, когда Бразилию возглавляют левые правительства, доказывая, что Москва может найти пути для диалога с различными политическими группами внутри страны 3) период кризиса привел к укреплению связей между негосударственными акторами, открыв еще один слой контактов, которые укрепляют двусторонние отношения 4) повестка дня по удобрениям была закреплена как источник взаимозависимости 5) долгосрочная приверженность была подчеркнута позицией Бразилии в отношении эскалации украинского конфликта, которая выдержала внешнее давление и сохранила беспристрастность в решающий момент для безопасности Москвы 6) расширился спектр вопросов сотрудничества через открытие диалога по вопросам обороны, включая такие чувствительные темы, как сотрудничество в испытании топлива для проекта атомной подводной лодки ВМС Бразилии 7) увеличение объема двусторонней торговли усиливает роль прагматических интересов в двусторонних отношениях, способствуя их устойчивости и иммунитету к политическим колебаниям.

Список литературы диссертационного исследования кандидат наук Араужо Эстевес Ана Ливия, 2024 год

БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ

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72. Brasil, APEX. Management Report 2019. Relatório de Gestao 2019. URL: https://apexbrasil.com.br/br/pt/transparencia-e-prestacao-de-contas/governanca.html

73. Brasil, Biblioteca da Presidencia da República. Discurso do Presidente da República, Jair Bolsonaro, no 24° Fórum Económico Internacional de Sao Petersburgo - Palácio do Planalto. URL: https://www.biblioteca. presidencia. gov.br/presidencia/ex-presidentes/bolsonaro/discursos/discurso-do-presidente-da-republica-jair-bolsonaro-no-24o-forum-economico-internacional-de-sao-petersburgo-palacio-do-planalto

74. Brasil, Camara dos Deputados. Aprovado Requerimento que cobra informa9oes sobre suposta pressao dos EUA contra vacina russa Sputnik. 12.05.2021. URL: https://www2.camara.leg.br/atividade-legislativa/comissoes/comissoes-permanentes/credn/noticias/aprovado-requerimento-que-cobra-informacoes-sobre-suposta-pressao-dos-eua-contra-a-vacina-russa-sputnik

75. Brasil, Camara dos Deputados. Comissao de Rela9oes Exteriores da Camara repudia ataque russo á Ucrania. Agencia Camara dos Deputados. 24.02.2022. URL: https://www.camara.leg.br/noticias/853844-comissao-de-relacoes-exteriores-da-camara-repudia-ataque-russo-a-ucrania/

76. Brasil, Camara dos Deputados. Comissao de Relaces Exteriores -Ministro Franco Fran9a e prioridades do MRE para 2021- 28.04.2021. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qSnD6bRht_U&ab_channel=C%C3%A2maradosDeputados

77. Brasil, Camara dos Deputados. Comissao Externa sobre o Enfrentamento á COVID-19. Vacina em desenvolvimento no Instituto Gamaleya e Governo da Rússia. 26.08.2020. URL: https://www.camara.leg.br/evento-legislativo/59885.

78. Brasil, Comissao de Relaces Exteriores do Senado Federal, Notas Taquigráficas. 06.04.2022. URL: https ://www25. senado.leg.br/web/atividade/notas-taquigraficas/-/notas/r/10641

79. Brasil, Declaration of the Defense Attaché of Russia to Brazil during the 1st Friendly Nations Defense Attaches Meeting. Ministry of Defense. September 07, 2021. URL: https://www.gov.br/defesa/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/noticias/defesa-recebe-adidos-de-35-paises-para-reuniao-sobre-operacoes-realizadas-no-brasi.

80. Brasil, Governo Federal. Diretoria da Anvisa avalia pedidos de importa9ao da Sputnik V. URL: https://m.facebook.com/canalgov/videos/diretoria-da-anvisa-avalia-pedidos-de-importa%C3%A7%C3%A3o-da-sputnik-v/3385535334881704/

81. Brasil, Instituto Brasileiro de Geografía e Estatística. URL: https://www.ibge.gov.br/estatisticas/economicas/contas-nacionais/9300-contas-nacionais-trimestrais. html?= &t=series-historicas&utm_source=landing&utm_medium=explica&utm_ campaign=pib#evolucao-taxa

82. Brasil, Instituto de Geografía e Estatística. Contas Nacionais. URL: https://www.ibge.gov.br/estatisticas/economicas/contas-nacionais/9300-contas-nacionais-trimestrais.html? =&t=series-historicas&utmsource=landing&utm_medium=explica&utm_campaign=pib#evolucao-taxa. URL: https://www.ibge.gov.br/en/home-eng.html

83. Brasil, Instituto de Pesquisa Económica Aplicada (IPEA). Vice-minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Sergei Ryabkov, speaks in an online conference promoted by the Institute of Applied Economic Research of Brazil (IPEA), named "Economic Relations between Brazil and Russia: Cooperation to Growth and Development". July 2, 2021. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eX7SpZPr5BE&t=3760s.

84. Brasil, Joint Declaration between the minister of Energy of the Russian Federation, Nikolay Shulginov, and the minister of Mines and Energy of Brazil, Bento Albuquerque. Ministry of Mines and Energy. October 13, 2021. URL: https://www.gov.br/mme/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/bento-albuquerque-se-reune-com-ministro-da-energia-da-russia-nikolay-shulginov.

85. Brasil, Joint Declaration from the Ministries of Agriculture and Foreign Affairs on the mission to Brazil of the Veterinary Service of the Russian Federation // Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Food supply of Brazil. April 15, 2019. URL: https://www.gov.br/agricultura/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/nota-conjunta-dos-ministerios-da-agricultura-e-das-relacoes-exteriores-sobre-a-missao-ao-brasil-do-servico-veterinario-da-federacao-da-russia

86. Brasil, Memorandum of Cooperation between the Prosecutor-General's Office of the Russian Federation and Brazil. Prosecutor-General's office of Brazil. January 10, 2022. URL: http://www.mpf.mp.br/pgr/noticias-pgr/mpf-e-procuradoria-geral-da-federacao-da-russia-firmam-programa-de-cooperacao.

87. Brasil, Memorandum of Understanding between the Prosecutor-General's Office of the Russian Federation and Brazil, signed during the V Meeting of the BRICS Heads of Prosecution Services.

Prosecutor-General's office of Brazil. URL: http://www.mpf.mp.br/pgr/noticias-pgr/mpf-e-procuradoria-geral-da-federacao-da-russia-firmam-programa-de-cooperacao.

88. Brasil, Ministério da Defesa. Defesa recebe sinal verde para a compra de sistemas antiaéreos da Rússia. 20.02.2013. URL: https://www.gov.br/defesa/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/noticias/ultimas-noticias/20-02-2013-defesa-defesa-recebe-sinal-verde-para-a-compra-de-sistemas-antiaereos-da-russia

89. Brasil, Ministério da Defesa. Livro Branco de Defesa Nacional- Brasil 2020. URL: https://www.gov.br/defesa/pt-br/assuntos/copy_of_estado-e-defesa/livro-branco-de-defesa-nacional-lbdn-1

90. Brasil, Ministério da Economia. Comex Stat. URL: http://comexstat.mdic.gov.br/pt/home

91. Brasil, Ministério da Economia. Comex Vis. URL: http://comexstat.mdic.gov.br/en/comex-vis

92. Brasil, Ministério da Economia. Ministro da Economia participa da reuniâo de ministros de Finanças e presidentes de Bancos Centrais dos Brics. 08.04.2022. URL: https://www.gov.br/economia/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/2022/abril/ministro-da-economia-participa-da-reuniao-de-ministros-de-financas-e-presidentes-de-bancos-centrais-dos-.

93. Brasil, Ministério da Justiça. Brasil concede 74 vistos e 27 autorizaçôes de residência humanitária a ucranianos. 11.04.2022. https://www.gov.br/mj/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/brasil-concede-74-vistos-e-27-autorizacoes-de-residencia-humanitaria-a-ucranianos

94. Brasil, Ministério das Relaçôes Exteriores, Fundaçâo Alexandre de Gusmâo. Pedro Murilo Ortega Terra: As relacoes Brasil-RUssia. 15.04.2021. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch7v =4U2nNJxaxHA&ab_channel=Funda%C3%A7%C3%A3o AlexandredeGusm%C3%A3o.

95. Brasil, Ministério das Relaçôes Exteriores, Management Report 2022. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/acesso-a-informacao/transparencia-prestacao-contas/relatorio-de-gestao-do-mre

96. Brasil, Ministério das Relaçôes Exteriores. Ambassador of Brazil to Russia, Rodrigo Baena Soares, speaks about Brazilian-Russian relation in an online conference promoted by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affair's think tank FUNAG. 27.10.2021. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=piNMy5TbTog.

97. Brasil, Ministério das Relaçôes Exteriores. Brazil takes over the presidency of Unesco General Conference. 9.11.2021. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/en/contact-us/press-area/press-releases/brazil-takes-over-the-presidency-of-unesco-general-conference

98. Brasil, Ministério das Relaçôes Exteriores. Carlos Alberto Franco França. Discurso de Posse. URL: https://www.gov.br/funag/pt-br/chdd/historia-diplomatica/ministros-de-estado-das-relacoes-exteriores/carlos-alberto-franco-franca-discurso-de-posse

99. Brasil, Ministério das Relaçôes Exteriores. Declaraçâo Conjunta do BRICS sobre o tema: "Fortalecer a Solidariedade e a Cooperaçâo do BRICS; Responder às novas Características e Desafios da Situaçâo Internacional".19.05.2022. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/canais_atendimento/imprensa/notas-a-imprensa/declaracao-conjunta-do-brics-sobre-o-tema-201cfortalecer-a-sohdariedade-e-a-cooperacao-do-brics-responder-as-novas-caracteristicas-e-desafios-da-situacao-internacional201 d

100. Brasil, Ministério das Relaçôes Exteriores. Declaraçâo do Representante Permanente, Embaixador Ronaldo Costa Filho, durante Reuniâo do Conselho de Segurança sobre a questâo da Ucrânia - 25.02.2022. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/Brasil-CSNU/discursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/discursos/janeiro-2022/fevereiro-2022/declaracao-do-representante-permanente-

embaixador-ronaldo-costa-filho-durante-reuniao-do-conselho-de-seguranca-sobre-a-questao-da-ucrania-25-02-2022-texto-em-ingles

101. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Declara9ao do Representante permanente Embaixador Ronaldo Costa Filho durante reuniao do Conselho de Seguraba sobre a questao da Ucrania. 27.02.2022. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/Brasil-CSNU/discursos-artigos-e-entrevi stas/ di scursos/j aneiro-2022/fevereiro-2022/ declaracao-do-representante-permanente-embaixador-ronaldo-costa-filho-durante-reuniao-do-conselho-de-seguranca-sobre-a-questao-da-ucrania-27-02-2022-texto-em-ingles

102. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Declara9ao do Representante Permanente na ONU Embaixador Ronaldo Costa Filho. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/Brasil-CSNU/discursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/discursos/janeiro-2022/setembro-

2022/copy_of_declaracao-do-representante-permanente-embaixador-ronaldo-costa-filho-durante-reuniao-do-conselho-de-seguranca-sobre-a-ucrania-texto-em-ingles-27-de-setembro-de-2022

103. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Discurso Carlos Alberto Franco Fran9a. 06.04.2021. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/discursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/ministro-das-relacoes-exteriores/discursos-mre/discurso-de-posse-do-senhor-ministro-de-estado-das-relacoes-exteriores-embaixador-carlos-alberto-franco-franca-2013-brasilia-06-04-2021

104. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Discurso Carlos Alberto Franco Fran9a. 01.10.2021. https://www.gov. br/ mre/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/discursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/ministro-das-relacoes-exteriores/discursos-mre/discurso-do-ministro-carlos-franca-na-formatura-do-instituto-rio-branco-2013 -brasilia-1 deg-de-outubro-de-2021

105. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Discurso Carlos Alberto Franco Fran9a.

03.09.2020. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/discursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/ministro-das-relacoes-exteriores/discursos-mre/intervencao-do-ministro-ernesto-araujo-na-reuniao-extraordinaria-de-ministros-das-relacoes-exteriores-do-g20-fortalecendo-a-cooperacao-internacional-atraves-das-fronteiras-3-de-setembro-de-2020.

106. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Discurso Carlos Alberto Franco Fran9a.

10.09.2021. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/discursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/ministro-das-relacoes-exteriores/discursos-mre/discurso-do-ministro-carlos-franca-por-ocasiao-da-abertura-do-ii-ciclo-de-conferencias-sobre-a-politica-externa-da-funag-a-diplomacia-da-inovacao-brasilia-10-09-.

107. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Discurso de Posse Ministro Carlos Alberto Franco Fran9a. Available at: https://www.gov.br/funag/pt-br/chdd/historia-diplomatica/ministros-de-estado-das-relacoes-exteriores/carlos-alberto-franco-franca-discurso-de-posse

108. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Discurso del representante permanente embajador Ronaldo Costa Filho durante reunión del consejo de seguridad sobre ucrania.

05.05.2022. https://www.gov.br/mre/es/Brasil-CSNU/discursos-articulos-entrevistas/discursos/discurso-del-representante-permanente-embajador-ronaldo-costa-filho-durante-reunion-del-consejo-de-seguridad-sobre-ucrania-5-de-mayo-de-2022-texto-en-ingles

109. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Discurso do Ministro Carlos Alberto Franco Fran9a na formatura do Instituto Rio Branco. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/discursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/ministro-das-relacoes-exteriores/discursos-mre/discurso-do-ministro-carlos-franca-na-formatura-do-instituto-rio-branco-2013-brasilia-1deg-de-outubro-de-2021

110. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Discurso do Ministro Carlos Fran9a por ocasiao da abertura do II Ciclo de conferencias sobre a política externa. Available at: https://www. gov.br/mre/pt-br/ centrai s-de-conteudo/publicacoes/ di scursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/ministro-das-relacoes-exteriores/discursos-mre/discurso-do-ministro-carlos-franca-por-ocasiao-da-abertura-do-ii-ciclo-de-conferencias-sobre-a-politica-externa-da-funag-a-diplomacia-da-inovacao-brasilia-10-09-2021

111. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Discurso do Senhor Ministro das Rela9oes Exteriores, Ernesto Araújo, por Ocasiao da 50a Assembleia-Geral da Organiza9ao dos Estados Americanos. Ministério Das Rela9oes Exteriores do Brasil. 11.11.2020. https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/discursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/ministro-das-relacoes-exteriores/discursos-mre/discurso-do-senhor-ministro-das-relacoes-exteriores-emesto-araujo-por-ocasiao-da-50a-assembleia-geral-da-organizacao-dos-estados-americanos-oea.

112. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Discursos Do Ministro Ernesto Araújo Na LV Reuniao Do Conselho Do Mercado Comum (CMC) - Bento Gon9alves. 04.12.2019 URL: https://www. gov.br/mre/pt-br/centrai s-de-conteudo/publicacoes/di scursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/ministro-das-relacoes-exteriores/discursos-mre/ernesto-araujo/discursos-do-ministro-ernesto-arauj o-na-lv-reuniao-ministerial-do-mercosul-bento-goncalves-4-de-dezembro-de-2019 — Portugués (Brasil), 2019.

113. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Elei9ao do Dr. Rodrigo Mudrovitsch para juiz da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. 12.11.2021. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/canais_atendimento/imprensa/notas-a-imprensa/eleicao-do-dr-rodrigo-mudrovitsch-para-juiz-da-corte-interamericana-de-direitos-humanos.

114. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Explica9ao de voto do Chefe da Delega9ao Permanente do Brasil em Genebra, Embaixador Tovar da Silva Nunes, por ocasiao do "debate urgente sobre a situa9ao dos direitos humanos na Ucrania decorrente da agressao russa", durante a 49a Sessao do Conselho de Direitos Humanos da ONU. 04.03.2022. https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/canais_atendimento/imprensa/notas-a-imprensa/explicacao-de-voto-do-chefe-da-delegacao-permanente-do-brasil-em-genebra-embaixador-tovar-da-silva-nunes-por-ocasiao-do-201cdebate-urgente-sobre-a-situacao-dos-direitos-humanos-na-ucrania-decorrente-da-agressao-russa-durante-a-49a-sessao-do-conselho-de.

115. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Interven<?ao Do Ministro Ernesto Araujo Durante Webinar Do Conselho do Atlántico sobre pos 30 Anos do Mercosul. 12.03.2021. URL: https://www. gov.br/mre/pt-br/centrai s-de-conteudo/publicacoes/di scursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/ministro-das-relacoes-exteriores/discursos-mre/ernesto-araujo/intervencao-do-ministro-ernesto-araujo-durante-webinar-do-conselho-do-atlantico-sobre-os-30-anos-do-mercosul-12-03-2021

116. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Interven9ao do Ministro Carlos Fran9a em sessao de debates temáticos do Senado Federal. 24.03.2022. https://www.gov.br/funag/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/politica-externa-brasileira/intervencao-do-ministro-carlos-franca-em-sessao-de-debates-tematicos-do-senado-federal-24-03-2022

117. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Management Report 2020. https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/acesso-a-informacao/transparencia-prestacao-contas/relatorio-de-gestao-do-mre

118. Brasil, Ministério das Relaces Exteriores. Management Report of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Brazil for the year 2021. https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/acesso-a-informacao/transparencia-prestacao-contas/relatorio-de-gestao-do-mre

119. Brasil, Ministério das Relates Exteriores. Nota á imprensa n 30: Situa9ao na Ucrania. 24.02.2022. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/canais_atendimento/imprensa/notas-imprensa_defeso_2022/situacao-na-ucrania-2

120. Brasil, Ministério das Redoes Exteriores. Nota á imprensa N° 284/2019. Situa9ao na Bolívia. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/canais_atendimento/imprensa/notas-a-imprensa/2019/ situacao-na-bolivia-2

121. Brasil, Ministério das Redoes Exteriores. Protocol to Amend the Agreement of the mutual protection of classified information. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Capadocia Database. February 16, 2022. URL: https://concordia.itamaraty.gov.br/detalhamento-acordo/12543?TituloAcordo=R%C3%BAssia&tipoPesquisa=1&TipoAcordo=BL,TL,ML.

122. Brasil, Ministério das Redoes Exteriores. Reelei9ao do Brasil ao Conselho da FAO. 17.06.2021. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/canais_atendimento/imprensa/notas-a-imprensa/reeleicao-do-brasil-ao-conselho-da-fao

123. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Relatório de Gestao 2019. https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/acesso-a-informacao/transparencia-prestacao-contas/relatorio-de-gestao-do-mre

124. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Resolu9ao da Assembleia Geral da ONU sobre a suspensao do status da Rússia como membro do Conselho de Direitos Humanos. Nota á imprensa n° 60, 7 abr. 2022. Brasília, MRE, 2022. https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/canais_atendimento/imprensa/notas-a-imprensa/resolucao-da-assembleia-geral-da-onu-sobre-a-suspensao-do-status-da-russia-como-membro-do-conselho-de-direitos-humanos.

125. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Signing of Trade Package with the USA - Joint Note by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Economy. Assinatura de Pacote Comercial com os EUA - Nota Conjunta do Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores e do Ministério da Economia. 19.10.2020. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/canais_atendimento/imprensa/notas-a-imprensa/2020/nota-conjunta-do-ministerio-das-relacoes-exteriores-e-do-ministerio-da-economia-assinatura-de-pacote-comercial-com-os-eua

126. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Speech by Minister Ernesto Araújo on the occasion of the 50th General Assembly of the Organization of American States (OAS) URL: https://www.gov.br/funag/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/politica-externa-brasileira/discurso-do-ministro-ernesto-araujo-por-ocasiao-da-50a-assembleia-geral-da-organizacao-dos-estados-americanos-oea

127. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Telegram n: 00362, from BRASEMB MOSCOU to SERE. June 30th, 2021. Authentication code: MzYyX2hlcmJlcnRfMzAvMDYvMjAyMQ==

128. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Telegram n° 00257, from BRASEMB MOSCOU to SERE. September 1st, 2019. Authentication Code: MjU4X3JhbWleb2JfMDgvMjAXJQ==

129. Brasil, Ministério das Rela9oes Exteriores. Telegram n°: 00097, from BRASEMB MOSCOU to SERE. February 15th, 2021. Authentication code: OTdfbWNvcnJhZGlfMTUvMDIvMj AyMQ==

130. Brasil, Ministério das Redoes Exteriores. Telegram n°: 00446, from BRASEMB MOSCOU to SERE. August 6th, 2021. Protocol number: 09002.003209/2023-84

131. Brasil, Ministério das Redoes Exteriores. Telegram n°: 00645, from BRASEMB MOSCOU to SERE. September 2nd, 2019. Authentication code: Nj U0X3 JhbWlyb2JfMDIvMDgvMj AxOQ==.

132. Brasil, Ministério das Redoes Internacionais. Francisco Clementino de San Tiago Dantas - Inauguration speech. 11.09.1961. Fundado Alexandre de Gusmao. URL: https://www.gov.br/funag/pt-br/chdd/historia-diplomatica/ministros-de-estado-das-relacoes-exteriores/francisco-clementino-de-san-tiago-dantas-discurso-de-posse

133. Brasil, Ministério das Redoes Exteriores. Discurso Carlos Alberto Franco Fran9a. 29.06.2021. URL: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/discursos-artigos-e-entrevistas/ministro-das-relacoes-exteriores/discursos-mre/intervencao-do-ministro-carlos-franca-na-primeira-sessao-de-trabalho-da-reuniao-de-chanceleres-e-ministros-de-desenvolvimento-do-g20-multilateralismo-e-governanca-global-2013-italia-29-06-2021.

134. Brasil, Ministério do Desenvolvimento, Indústria e Comércio. Statistics provided by the Brazilian Secretariat of Foreign Trade of the Ministry of Development, Industry and Trade. URL: https://www.gov.br/mdic/pt-br/assuntos/comercio-exterior

135. Brasil, Ministério do Desenvolvimento, Indústria, Comércio e Servos. Data retrieved from the database of the Secretariat for Foreign Trade of the Ministry of Development, Industry, Commerce and Services of Brazil in May 2023. https://www.gov.br/mdic/pt-br/assuntos/comercio-exterior/estatisticas

136. Brasil, Oficio n° 032/2021 - CIDSN/PRESID to the Minister of Health Marcelo Queiroga, Brasilia, July 19th, 2021. URL: https://static.poder360.com.br/2021/07/Oficio-ConsorcioNordeste-MinisteriodaSaude.pdf

137. Brasil, Ordinary Federal Law number 12.527 of November 18th, 2021, regulate article 5, XXXIIII; article 37, §3, II and article 216, §2 of the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988.

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