Влияние средств массовой информации на процессы социально-политической модернизации Тайваня тема диссертации и автореферата по ВАК РФ 10.01.10, кандидат наук Войтенко, Эдуард Михайлович
Войтенко, Эдуард Михайлович
кандидат наук
2018
- Специальность ВАК РФ10.01.10
- Количество страниц 335
Оглавление диссертации кандидат наук Войтенко, Эдуард Михайлович
ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ
ВВЕДЕНИЕ
Глава 1. ТЕОРЕТИЧЕСКИЕ ПОДХОДЫ К ИЗУЧЕНИЮ ФЕНОМЕНОВ МОДЕРНИЗАЦИИ И ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ. ИХ ЗНАЧИМОСТЬ ДЛЯ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ ИСТОРИИ ТАЙВАНЯ И ИЗУЧЕНИЯ РАЗВИТИЯ СМИ НА ОСТРОВЕ
1.1. Политическая модернизация и развитие демократии в Китайской Республике. Обзор социально-политических учений и тайваньского опыта
1.2. Конструирование идентичности и роль СМИ в данном процессе. Теория и
практика на примере Тайваня
Глава 2. СТАНОВЛЕНИЕ И РАЗВИТИЕ ТАЙВАНЬСКИХ СМИ В КОНТЕКСТЕ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ ИСТОРИИ КИТАЙСКОЙ РЕСПУБЛИКИ
2.1. Государственная информационная политика в эпоху диктатуры Гоминьдана
2.2. Средства массовой информации Тайваня после либерализации и их роль в
политической конкуренции
Глава 3. НОВАЯ РОЛЬ СМИ В СОВРЕМЕННЫХ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ ПРОЦЕССАХ ТАЙВАНЯ
3.1. Роль СМИ в формировании «тайваньской идентичности»
3.2. Внешнеполитические факторы в развитии СМИ Тайваня
ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ
СПИСОК ИСПОЛЬЗОВАННЫХ ИСТОЧНИКОВ И ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ
160
Рекомендованный список диссертаций по специальности «Журналистика», 10.01.10 шифр ВАК
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Политические процессы в современном Китае: две модели развития: КНР и Тайвань2011 год, кандидат политических наук Ивченко, Борислав Вячеславович
Политические партии как субъекты поставторитарной модернизации в странах Дальнего Востока и Юго-Восточной Азии (на материалах Тайваня)2016 год, кандидат наук Чэнь Цзя-вэй
Проблема Тайваня во внешней политике США на современном этапе2008 год, кандидат политических наук Лексютина, Яна Валерьевна
Политика США по отношению к тайваньской проблеме, 1949-1999 гг.2000 год, кандидат исторических наук Цветков, Иван Александрович
Введение диссертации (часть автореферата) на тему «Влияние средств массовой информации на процессы социально-политической модернизации Тайваня»
ВВЕДЕНИЕ
Актуальность темы исследования. Тайвань остается малоизученным пространством в российской научной среде. Это не просто провинция, фактически неподконтрольная КНР. Китайская Республика представляет собой исключительно сложный пример полупризнанного государства, обладающего развитой демократической системой власти, высоким уровнем жизни, устойчивой политической системой, диверсифицированной экономикой и прочими атрибутами успешной полноценной страны, сравнимой с ведущими азиатскими «тиграми».
Многие из процессов, происходивших и происходящих на острове, могут представлять особый интерес для анализа и управления процессами в нашей стране в силу значительного количества параллелей в историческом и современном опыте России и Китайской Республики. В конце 1980-х годов Тайвань прошел стремительный путь демократических реформ, затронувших политическую сферу и особенно расширивших применение права свободы слова. Конкуренция политических проектов, политических и экономических программ, предъявляемых гражданам Китайской Республики, превратила Тайвань в государство с высоким уровнем развития демократии. Сама независимость и неангажированность средств массовой информации стала для тайваньского общества ценностью, как показывают протесты последних лет, направленные против увеличения влияния бизнеса, связанного с КНР, на медиасферу острова.
В этом режиме конкурентной борьбы смыслов и самих медиа развиваются процессы, коренным образом меняющие как саму Китайскую Республику, так и весь регион. Открытый политический диалог, включающий значительное число субъектов, определяет векторы экономического, внутри- и внешнеполитического, идентичностного развития.
Опыт становления такой модели и такого уровня коммуникации -исключительно важен для России. Процессы демократизации в Китайской
Республике и Российской Федерации начались практически синхронно. До этого оба государства жили в условиях авторитаризма и фактической монополии на политическую коммуникацию со стороны единственной политической силы, определявшей облик государства. Период «чрезвычайного положения» на острове Тайвань (1949 - 1987 гг.) может предоставить исследователям истории журналистики и политологам пример последовательной государственной политики в отношении средств массовой информации и идеологии их содержания. Использование, как мер административного характера - законодательных барьеров на пути создания независимых СМИ, так и принципов внутренней «мягкой силы», заключающихся в скрытом управлении редакциями ведущих массмедиа составляют богатый материал для сравнительного анализа с аналогичными процессами в пространстве политической коммуникации «доперестроечного» СССР, а в некоторых случаях - и с отдельными проявлениями политического вмешательства в сферу СМИ в современной России.
Демократические преобразования в Китайской Республике совпали с актуализацией ключевых вопросов идентичности Тайваня и его населения, международной государственной состоятельности Китайской Республики, поиском политической альтернативы Национальной партии Китая (Гоминьдан / - партия власти в период «чрезвычайного положения»). Отчасти эти проблемы и стали причиной демократизации, хотя накопившиеся к концу 1980-х годов внутриэлитарные противоречия стали основной движущей силой трансформаций. Многие из проблем, которые заполнили СМИ Тайваня после 1987 года, идентичны тем дискурсам, которые закрепились в российском политическом поле после исчезновения СССР с политической карты мира. Поиск легитимной, неконфликтной и общеохватной национальной идентичности - одна из проблем, сближающих современную Россию и Тайвань. Методами практического социального конструктивизма, оперируя в информационном пространстве, политические силы Китайской Республики с большей (Демократическая прогрессивная партия (Миньцзиньдан / й^Ш))
или меньшей (Гоминьдан) интенсивностью пытались реализовать проект полиэтничной тайваньской гражданской нации, опирающейся на единство и культурное разнообразие этносов, населяющих остров. Несмотря на почти тридцатилетние усилия, проект «тайваньской нации» и сегодня пребывает в кризисе - во многом причиной этому является именно та публичность, с которой принимаются решения на острове. Пребывая в постоянном диалоге с лидерами общественного мнения и электоратом, политики Тайваня не могут предпринять решительные шаги по формированию полноценного государства-нации. Не решен вопрос о государственном суверенитете, отказе от территориальных претензий, механизмах международного признания. Этничность, окрасившая публичную политику, становится все более проблемной.
Не менее драматично отражение в СМИ Тайваня внешнеполитических процессов. Вот лишь некоторые из них. Сближение с Японией и экспансия японской культуры на Тайване - многогранная тенденция, имеющая ярко выраженную политическую окраску из-за колониального прошлого Тайваня и существовавшего ранее запрета на японскую культуру. Спад публичного интереса к с США, которые долгое время были ведущим геополитическим союзником Китайской Республики, - также прослеживается в СМИ Тайваня, что не может не свидетельствовать о росте ценности самостоятельного выбора и построения политических ориентиров, целей и моделей.
Безусловно, СМИ Тайваня служат отражением наиболее сложного процесса, как во внутренней, так и во внешней политике Тайваня -взаимоотношениям с КНР и соотнесению развития «своей» идентичности с идентичностью «Большого Китая». Взаимоотношения Китайской Народной Республики и Тайваня - один из ключевых «замороженных» конфликтов ХХ века, который непременно получит развитие в наступившем столетии. Специфика геополитического спора сложна не только исторической уникальностью, но и теми обстоятельствами, что прямого разрешения данный спор не имеет: нет ни реального «примирительного» сценария, ни
эскалационного. Пространство политической коммуникации становится единственной площадкой долгой «позиционной войны» мнений по данному комплексному вопросу. От показательного сближения между журналистскими сообществами КНР и Тайваня в 1990-х годах ситуация перешла к стадии, наиболее близкий аналог которой - ползучее проникновение китайского влияния в СМИ Гонконга в период, предшествовавший воссоединению Гонконга и КНР по системе «Одно государство - две системы». Столкновение геополитических интересов мировых держав на Тайване, сложившаяся собственная политическая субъектность Китайской Республики существенно осложняют видимые усилия агентов влияния из КНР поглотить медиапространство Тайваня и занять лидирующее положение среди центров корректировки общественного мнения. Стремительная активизация публичной и даже уличной политики в последние годы вызвана колоссальным внутренним напряжением в тайваньском обществе, особенно в студенческой и интеллектуальной среде, связанном со скупкой магнатами основных медиаресурсов острова. Тайваньцы, привыкшие к высокой международной оценке свободы слова, воспринимают изменения в руководстве медиахолдингов, как прямое вмешательство во внутреннюю политику страны. Происходящее еще более драматично для СМИ, которые, меняя риторику в соответствии с установками новых хозяев, оперируют в очень узком коридоре возможностей освещения проблемы «Тайвань - КНР»: многолетняя политическая традиция открытого противостояния не может быть преодолена в краткосрочный период. Для профильных специалистов Российской Федерации данный сложнейший кейс, затрагивающий внешнеполитическую, внутриполитическую, идентичностную сферы и бизнес-процессы в сфере массмедиа, в настоящее время крайне актуален. Уже сегодня пространство публичной коммуникации России находится во власти мощных, самостоятельных политизированных дискурсов, которые мобилизуют и поляризуют общество, одновременно сужая пространство для политических маневров субъектов власти.
Таким образом, СМИ Тайваня представляют собой пространство постоянной борьбы политических сил, на некоторых исторических отрезках укреплявших свое доминирование в пространстве политической коммуникации. СМИ обладают уникальной историей становления в постколониальном пространстве, развития в условиях тоталитарного государства, демократических преобразований, политической и информационной конкуренции, научно-технического прогресса.
Изучение процессов развития СМИ на Тайване, а также анализ сопутствующих трендов в политике, строительстве государственной и национальной идентичности, могут существенно обогатить опыт усилий Российской Федерации в аналогичных направлениях развития. Актуальна и академическая значимость работы, вызванная дефицитом русскоязычных источников по выбранной теме, тем более - систематизирующих, обобщающих и аналитических.
Хронологические рамки исследования затрагивают период с 1945 по 2018 годы. Однако в ходе раскрытия темы автор обращается и к более ранним событиям истории Тайваня. Подобные обращения необходимы вследствие того, что история довоенного Тайваня нашла и продолжает находить свое отражение в развитии средств массовой информации на острове, в государственной информационной политике и в демократической политической борьбе. Выбор хронологических рамок предопределен тем фактом, что развитие СМИ и массовых коммуникаций на Тайване явилось одним из значимых процессов социальной, экономической и политической модернизации, которая состоялась в Китайской Республике в послевоенные годы и, в особенности, начиная с господства партии Гоминьдан на острове после поражения в гражданской войне на территории материкового Китая.
Исследуемый исторический период можно условно разделить на три. Каждому из сегментов, в таком случае, будет соответствовать ряд определяющих тенденций и аспектов, характеризующих состояние СМИ, массовых коммуникаций и государственной информационной политики.
Первый период, начиная с окончания Второй мировой войны и до начала 1970-х годов характеризуется быстрыми темпами экономической модернизации, ростом образованного городского населения, ростом количества и качества СМИ при максимально жесткой, авторитарной государственной информационной политике. В этот период массовые коммуникации на острове находились под полным контролем государства, а бурное развитие массмедиа, появление и развитие новых видов СМИ (радио, телевидение) не обходилось без вмешательства ведущей политической структуры Тайваня - партии Гоминьдан.
Наиболее значимым для дальнейшего развития сферы СМИ Тайваня трендом второго периода (с начала 1970-х годов до 1988 года) стало появление независимых СМИ, которые изначально имели нелегальный статус, однако быстро распространялись и в скором времени стали определяющими каналами коммуникации для формирования общественного мнения. Появлению и популяризации независимых СМИ способствовало развитие интереса общества к «тайваньской идентичности» в противовес насаждаемой официальными СМИ идеологии «китайского национализма», а также другие социально-экономические причины, ставшие проявлениями становления Тайваня в качестве де-факто независимого государства со своим уникальным народом.
С 1988 года начинается период активной демократизации сферы СМИ, который сопровождался и сопровождается возникновением новых форм массовой коммуникации, ростом политического плюрализма, усилением общественных дискуссий о государственном суверенитете и национальной идентичности Тайваня. В настоящее время СМИ и массовые коммуникации на Тайване находятся в постоянном развитии, за влияние на медиаактивы разворачивается серьезная международная борьба.
Научно-практическая проблема определяется значительной численностью и сложностью накопленных в СМИ Тайваня дискурсов, влияющих на власть, общество и СМИ Китайской Республики. К этому добавляется сложная история государственной информационной политики на
Тайване, неопределенность территориальных и государственно-идентификационных вопросов на международном уровне. В сложившейся ситуации наблюдается многосоставное нарастание социально-медийной напряженности во всем регионе, которое нуждается в глубоком научном анализе и рефлексии.
Степень разработанности темы. Феномен политической модернизации
12 3
рассмотрен на основании работ У Ростоу , А. Органски , А. Мартинелли , С. Липсета4, Б. Мура5, С. Хантингтона6, А. Пшеворски7, Г. Алмонда и С. Вербы8, А. Мельвиля9, Т. Цурутани10, Р. Даля11, К. Поппера12, Э. Тоффлера13, Чэнь Цзя-вэя14, и др. Теоретические разработки проблемы свободы слова и печати, медиаплюрализма в развитии СМИ в демократических обществах представлены изучением трудов М. Тиндела15, К Волтмера16, Р. Даля17, Т. Карла
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13 Тоффлер Э. Метаморфозы власти. М. «АСТ», 1994.
14 Чэнь Цзя-вэй. Поставторитарная модернизация: проблематизация понятия на примерах стран конфуцианской цивилизации // Государственное управление. Электронный вестник. Вып. No 53. 2015. Ноябрь.
15 Matthew Tindal. Reasons against restraining the press. London: Gale ECCO, Print Editions, 2010.
16 Voltmer K. Structures of diversity of press and broadcasting systems: The institutional context of public communication in Western democracies. Berlin: Wissenschaftszentrum fur Sozialforschung, 2000.
и Ф. Шмиттера и др. Обзор теорий СМИ представлен в диссертационном исследовании работами Ф. Сиберта, Т. Петерсон, В. Шрамма19, В. Хэтчена20, Д.
21 22 23 24 25
МакКвейла , Р. Уильямса , М. Маклюэна , С.Г. Корконосенко , Д.П. Гавры и других исследователей. Отдельное внимание уделено изучению теорий, разъясняющих и трактующих феномен коллективной идентичности и самоидентификации. Так, в диссертационном исследовании рассмотрены
26 27 28 29
подходы Б. Андерсона , Э. Геллнера , К. Калхуна , К. Дойча , В.В.
30 31 32
Столина , С.Ф. Арутюняна , В.С. Агеева , А.Г. Смирновой и И.Ю. Киселева33, Л.Б. Шнейдера34 и др.
В исследованиях, связанных с развитием тайваньских СМИ автору диссертации пришлось в большей степени опираться на работы зарубежных ученых. Ретроспективный анализ государственной информационной политики Китайской Республики основан на исследованиях Т. Ли, Г. Ронсли, Ч. Госян,
17 Dahl R.A. Procedural Democracy // Philosophy, Politics and Society / ed. by P. Laslett, J. Fishkin. Oxford, 1979.
18 Карл Т. Л., Шмиттер Ф. Демократизация: концепты, постулаты, гипотезы (Размышления по поводу применимости транзитологической парадигмы при изучении посткоммунистических трансформаций) // Полис. 2004. №4.
19 Siebert G.F., Peterson T., Shramm W. Four Theories of Press. University of Illinois Press, 1956.
20 Hatchen W.A. The world news prism: Changing media, changing ideologies. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1987.
21 McQuail D. Mass communication theory: An introduction. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1984.
22 Williams R. Communications. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1967.
23 Маклюэн. М. Галактика Гутенберга. Становление человека печатающего. М., 2005.
24 Корконосенко С.Г. Основы журналистики: учебник для вузов. М., 2004.
25 Гавра Д.П. Социально-коммуникативные технологии: обоснование категории / Д.П. Гавра // PR-технологии в информационном обществе: материалы II Всероссийской научно-практической конференции, СПб., 2004.
26 Андерсон Б. Воображаемые сообщества. Размышления об истоках и распространении национализма / Б. Андерсон. М., 2001.
27
Геллнер Э. Нации и национализм. М.: 1991.
28
Калхун К. Национализм. М.: 2006.
29 Deutsch K. Nationalism and social communication - Aninquiry into the foundation of nationality. L.: 1969.
30
Столин В.В. Самосознание личности. М., 1983.
31
Арутюнян С.Ф. Идентичность: от теории к практике. Ереван, 2010.
32 Агеев В. С. Социальная идентичность личности. // Социальная психология: хрестоматия / под ред. Е.П. Белинской, О. А. Тихомандритской. М., 2003.
33
Смирнова А.Г., Киселев И.Ю. Идентичность в меняющемся мире. Ярославль, 2002.
34 Шнейдер Л.Б. Профессиональная идентичность. М.: Воронеж, 2004.
Чжу Пин, Ч. Чжуэй-Хуэй, С. Чин и др. , а также на результатах анализа государственных нормативно-правовых документов Китайской Республики, материалов СМИ и других свидетельств.
Изменения в сфере СМИ и государственной информационной политики Тайваня в период демократических преобразований после отмены «чрезвычайного положения» рассмотрены на примерах исследований Ч.-Ч. Ли, П.-Х. Чэнь, Ч.-Л. Хуан, М. Гудошникова36 и др., а также на основании материалов ведущих СМИ Тайваня. Анализ связи электоральных процессов и СМИ Тайваня выполнен на основании работ Д. Фелла, В.-Ч. Ли, П. Батто, Л. Ламса37 и экспертных и статистических данных, предоставленных общественности официальными источниками Китайской Республики, опубликованными в СМИ или в специализированных сборниках информации.
Преломления проблематичного дискурса национальной идентичности Тайваня в СМИ изучено на базе материалов СМИ, дискурсивных исследований
38
Х.-Ч. Чан, Р. Холт, С.-Х. Куо, Дж. Вей, А. Чу и др., а также аналитических
35 Lee C. Thomas. Mass media and communication research in the Republic of China. Singapore, 1971; Gary D. Rawnsley. The Media and Popular Protest in Pre-Democratic Taiwan // Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television, vol. 20, no. 4 (2000); Чэнь Госян, Чжу Пин. Сорокалетняя эволюция газеты на Тайване. Тайбэй, 1987; Чиу Чжуэй-Хуэй. Средства массовой информации Тайваня: история, современное состояние, перспективы развития. СПб., 1999; Sheila Chin. Broadcasting and New Media Policies in Taiwan. N.Y., 1997.
36 Chin-Chuan Lee. Sparking a Fire: The Press And the Ferment of Democratic Change in Taiwan // Journalism Monographs 5. Taipei, 1993; Ping-Hung Chen. Who Owns Cable Television? Media Ownership Concentration in Taiwan // The journal of media economics, 15(1). Oxford. 2002; Huang Ching-Lung. The changing roles of the media in Taiwan's democratization process. Massachusetts, 2009.
37 Dafydd Fell. Political and Media Liberalization and Political Corruption in Taiwan. Cambridge, 2005; Wei-chin Lee. Mediated Politics in Taiwan: Political Talk Shows and Democracy // Taiwan Journal of Democracy, Volume 7, No. 2. Taipei, 2011; The consequences of democratisation on Taiwan's daily press // http://chinaperspectives.revues.org/ URL:
http://chinaperspectives.revues.org/791 (дата обращения: 11.03.2015); Lutgard Lams. Media Panic or Manic: The 2004 Taiwan Parliamentary Election in the Local English-Language Press // Taiwan International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 4, No.4. Taipei, 2008.
38 Hui-Ching Chang, Rich Holt. «New Taiwanese». Evolution of an identity project in the narratives of United Daily News // Journal of Asian Pacific Communication №19(2). Amsterdam, 2009; Sai-Hua Kuo. Social change and discursive change: analyzing conversationalization of media discourse in Taiwan // Discourse Studies, №9. Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore, 2007; Jennifer M. Wei. Language Choice in Taiwanese Political Discourse // NTU Studies in Language and Literature, №14.Taipei, 2005; Alice R. Chu. "You can't say 'Chinese'!": Negotiating Taiwan's National Identity Crisis Discourses on Political TV Call-In Shows. Austin, 2003.
работ Ч.-Ц. Су, Ф.-Л. Ши, Л.-Л. Хуан, Дж. Лю, Ч.-М. Ян, Ш.-Х. Ло, Дж. Мэйкхэма, А.-Ч. Сяу, С. Сяокунь, Г. Мартина, Л.-Ц. Ван39 и др. Роль СМИ Тайваня во внешнеполитической повестке Китайской Республики исследована Л.-Ц. Ван, Ш.-Л. Хуан, С.-Е. Ян, И.-Ч. Чан, А. Ешишиса, И.-Ц. Ван, Ц.-Х. Хун40 и др., анализ работ которых также представлен в диссертации.
Научная задача - сформировать наиболее полное и комплексное представление о развитии СМИ и информационной политике Китайской Республики, определить роль и место СМИ в формировании и развитии ключевых внутри- и внешнеполитических долгосрочных проблем Тайваня.
Объектом исследования является процесс формирования и развития медиапространства и государственной информационной политики Тайваня в неотделимой связи с историко-политическими трансформациями региона и развитием гражданского общества.
Предмет исследования - взаимосвязь и взаимовлияние государственной информационной политики, демократических процессов,
39 Chien-Jung Hsu. The Construction of National Identity in Taiwan's Media, 1896 - 2012. London, 2014; Fang-Long Shih. Taiwan's Subjectivity and National Narrations: Towards a Comparative Perspective with Ireland // Taiwan in Comparative Perspective, №4. London, 2012; Li-Li Huang, James H. Liu, Maanling Chang. "The double identity" of Taiwanese Chinese: A dilemma of politics and culture rooted in history // Asian Journal of Social Psychology, Volume 7, Issue 2. Hoboken, New Jersey, 2004; Chien-min Yang. Between Ethnic and Civic: A Paradox of National Identification in Contemporary Taiwan. N.Y., 2014; Shih-Hung Lo. Diaspora Regime into Nation: Mediating Hybrid Nationhood in Taiwan // Javnost - The Public Vol. 9, No.1. Ljubljana, 2002; John Makeham, A-chin Hsiau. Cultural, Ethnic, and Political Nationalism in Contemporary Taiwan. Bentuhua. London, 2005; Song Xiaokun. Between civic and ethnic: the transformation of Taiwanese nationalist ideologies (1895 - 2000). Brussels, 2009; Martin Howard J. The Hakka Ethnic Movement in Taiwan, 1986 - 1991 // Nicole Constable. Guest People: Hakka Identity in China and Abroad. Seattle and London, 1996; Li-Jung Wang. Towards Multiculturalism? Identity, Difference and Citizenship in Cultural Policy in Taiwan (1949 - 2002). Coventry, 2003.
40 Longqing Wang. Journalists, media diplomacy and media-broker diplomacy in relations between mainland China and Taiwan from 1987 - 2009. Sydney, 2009; Shuling Huang. Nation-branding and transnational consumption: Japan-mania and the Korean wave in Taiwan // Media, Culture & Society №33 (1). N.Y., 2011; Hsin-Yen Yang. Re-interpreting Japanomania: transnational media, national identity and the restyling of politics in Taiwan. Iowa City, 2010; Ivy I-chu Chang. Colonial Reminiscence, Japanophilia Trend, and Taiwanese Grassroots Imagination in Cape No. 7 // Concentric: Literary and Cultural Studies, №36(1). Taipei, 2010; Amae Yoshihisa. Pro-colonial or Postcolonial? Appropriation of Japanese Colonial Heritage in Present-day Taiwan // Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, №40(1). Hamburg, 2011; Yih-Jye Hwang. Japan as "Self' or "the Other" in Yoshinori Kobayashi's On Taiwan // China Information, №24(1). N.Y., 2010; Junhao Hong. Cultural Relations of China and Taiwan: An Examination of Three Stages of Policy Change // Intercultural Communication Studies, №1. Macao, 1996.
меняющейся внешнеполитической конъюнктуры, этнических, языковых, национальных противоречий и других факторов в процессе становления тайваньского медиапространства.
Целью диссертационного исследования является исследование структуры и развития системы СМИ Тайваня, определение механизмов взаимодействия ключевых субъектов, изучение исторических и актуальных трансформаций медиасферы Тайваня с учетом внутри- и внешнеполитических, идентичностных и других факторов. Для достижения поставленной цели предполагается решение следующих исследовательских задач:
1. осуществить реконструкцию информационной политики Тайваня, выявить ключевые поворотные пункты и актуальные векторы развития, влияние государственной информационной политики на развитие СМИ;
2. определить роль СМИ в социально-политической модернизации Тайваня, проведя анализ развития СМИ во второй половине ХХ века и начале XXI века;
3. выявить актуальные внутриполитические и социальные противоречия, оказывающие решающее влияние на государственную информационную политику и СМИ Тайваня;
4. определить ключевые внешние факторы влияния (политические, экономические) оказывающие решающее влияние на государственную информационную политику и СМИ Тайваня.
Положения, выносимые на защиту:
1. До начала 1990-х годов партия Гоминьдан была доминирующей политической силой, оказывающей влияние на развитие тайваньских СМИ. Позднее развитие медиасферы стало определяться конкуренцией двух центров политического влияния - Гоминьдана и Демократической прогрессивной партии. Они влияли как на сами СМИ, так и на содержание политической информации. В последние годы выросшая из уличных протестов «третья сила» пытается навязать тайваньскому
государству и обществу свое видение развития и регулирования сферы СМИ.
2. Длительное время государственная информационная политика Тайваня оставалась консервативной и опиралась на авторитарные принципы управления. В настоящее время сдерживающими факторами государственной информационной политики стали «китайский фактор», несогласованность действий Законодательного Юаня и слабость государственной власти перед медиамонополиями.
3. СМИ и динамика их развития фиксировали ключевые векторы внутренней и внешней политики Тайваня. Анализ ведущих СМИ Тайваня позволяет оценивать масштаб ключевых решений государственной информационной политики, а также степень обусловленности их принятия внутренними и внешними факторами.
4. В настоящее время СМИ Тайваня, как и тайваньская политика вообще, испытывают сильное давление со стороны кризисных политических, идентичностных и социальных явлений, которые долгое время не разрешаются ни одним из ведущих акторов. СМИ Тайваня существуют в сложных условиях разрыва между реальной политикой властей острова, массовыми представлениями о существующих и необходимых политических трендах, интенсификацией развития информационной культуры, нарастанием кризиса традиционных центров формирования политической повестки дня.
5. СМИ Тайваня, как и тайваньская политика вообще, переформатируются под влиянием внешнеполитических факторов, прежде всего, в канве изменения взаимоотношений с КНР и Японией. Наиболее весомый экономический фактор - интервенция бизнеса, связанного с КНР, на медиарынке Тайваня, что породило серию затяжных уличных протестов и комплексный политический кризис на острове.
Теоретико-методологическую основу исследования составили концептуальные положения доктрин социальной философии, в частности,
социального конструктивизма, в том числе конструктивистских теорий этничности и национализма, экономики и политологии, в частности, ряда теорий модернизации (структурного подхода, теории волн демократизации, концепции гражданской культуры, поставторитарной модернизации, теории открытого общества и др.), теории медиа, в частности, теории М. Маклюэна и ее развитие и т.д.
Эмпирической базой исследования служат материалы СМИ Тайваня и других государств Азиатско-тихоокеанского региона, результаты социологических исследований ведущих университетов Тайваня и других государств, статистические данные, публикуемые органами государственной власти Китайской Республики. В контексте работы наибольший интерес представляли массивы документов и статистических данных, свидетельствующих о трансформации отражения в СМИ различных векторов устремления внутренней и внешней политики Тайваня, а также исследовательские и статистические материалы об изменениях самих СМИ под действием государственной информационной политики Китайской Республики. Научная новизна состоит в следующем:
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СПИСОК ИСПОЛЬЗОВАННЫХ ИСТОЧНИКОВ И ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ
Литература на русском языке
1. Монографии
1. Агеев В.С. Социальная идентичность личности. // Социальная психология: хрестоматия / под ред. Е.П. Белинской, О.А. Тихомандритской / М., 2003.
2. Алмонд Г., Верба С. Гражданская культура: политические установки и демократия в пяти странах / Г. Алмонд, С. Верба / М.: Мысль, 2014.
3. Андерсон Б. Воображаемые сообщества. Размышления об истоках и распространении национализма / Б. Андерсон / М., 2001.
4. Арутюнян С.Ф. Идентичность: от теории к практике / С.Ф. Арутюнян / Ереван, 2010.
5. Геллнер Э. Наци и национализм / Э. Геллнер / М., 1991.
6. Даль Р. О демократии / Р. Даль / М., 1999.
7. Йоргенсен, Марианне В., Филлипс, Луиза Дж. Дискурс-анализ. Теория и метод / В. Марианне Йоргенсен, Луиза Дж. Филлипс / Харьков, 2008.
8. Калхун К. Национализм / К. Калхун / М., 2006.
9. Корконосенко С.Г. Основы журналистики: учебник для вузов / С.Г. Корконосенко / М., 2004.
10. Маклюэн М. Галактика Гутенберга. Становление человека печатающего / М. Маклюэн / М., 2005.
11. Мельвиль А.Ю. Демократические транзиты (Теоретико-методологические и прикладные аспекты) / А.Ю. Мельвиль / М., 1999.
12. Парсонс Т. О структуре социального действия. / Т. Парсонс / М., 2002.
13. Парсонс Т. Система современных обществ / Т. Парсонс / М., 2008.
14. Поппер К. Открытое общество и его враги / К. Поппер / М., 1992.
15. Смирнова А.Г., Киселев И.Ю. Идентичность в меняющемся мире / А.Г. Смирнова, И.Ю. Киселев / Ярославль, 2002.
16. Сравнительная политика. Основные политические системы современного мира / под общ. ред. В.С. Бакирова, Н. И. Сазонова / Харьков, 2005.
17. Столин В.В. Самосознание личности. / В.В. Столин / М., 1983.
18. Тоффлер Э. Шок будущего. / Э. Тоффлер / М., 2008.
19. Тоффлер Э. Метаморфозы власти. / Э. Тоффлер / М., 1994.
20. Хантингтон С. Третья волна. Демократизация в конце ХХ века. / С. Хантингтон / М., 2003.
21. Шнейдер Л.Б. Профессиональная идентичность. / Л.Б. Шнейдер / Воронеж, 2004.
2. Статьи в научных и периодических изданиях
1. Бахтина М.Д. Культурное пространство / М.Д. Бахтина // Вестник СевероКавказского государственного технического университета / № 2, 2004. С. 1 - 7.
2. Войтенко Э.М. Развитие печатных СМИ в контексте политических процессов Тайваня // Медиаскоп. 2013. Вып. 3. — URL: http://www.mediascope.ru/node/1386
3. Войтенко Э.М. Специфика становления государственной информационной политики Тайваня // Медиаскоп. 2013. Вып. 4. — URL: http://www.mediascope.ru/node/1475
4. Войтенко Э.М. Становление и падение цензуры в печатных СМИ Тайваня. Нормативно-правовые аспекты // Журнал «Образование. Наука. Научные кадры». 2013. №6. — С. 71 - 73.
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29. Taiwanese film on Japan's quake to show in London // Ministry of culture. Republic of China (Taiwan). URL: http://english.moc.gov.tw/article/index.php?sn=1121 (дата обращения: 21.05.2014).
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ST. PETERSBURG STATE UNIVERSITY
Printed as manuscript
Eduard M. VOYTENKO
IMPACT OF THE MEDIA ON THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL
MODERNIZATION PROCESSES IN TAIWAN
Specialty 10.01.10 -Journalism
THESIS
for a Candidate Degree in Political Sciences
Thesis Supervisor: Professor D.P. Gavra, Doctor of Science in Sociology
St. Petersburg 2018
179
TABLE OF CONTENT
INTRODUCTION....................................................................................................180
Chapter 1. THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO STUDYING THE PHENOMENA OF MODERNIZATION AND IDENTITY; THEIR SIGNIFICANCE FOR TAIWAN'S POLITICAL HISTORY AND THE STUDY OF MEDIA DEVELOPMENT ON THE ISLAND......................................................................195
1.1. Political Modernization and Democracy Development in the Republic of China. Overview of Social and Political Doctrines and Taiwan's Experience....................195
1.2. Identity Construction and the Role of the Media in the Process. Theory and
Practice on the Example of Taiwan..........................................................................211
Chapter 2. THE ESTABLISHMENT AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE TAIWANESE MEDIA IN THE CONTEXT OF POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA...........................................................................................225
2.1. National Information Policy during the Kuomintang Dictatorship Period........225
2.2. Taiwanese Mass Media after Liberalization and their Role in the Political
Competition................................................................................................................................251
Chapter 3. NEW ROLE OF MASS MEDIA IN MODERN POLITICAL PROCESSES IN TAIWAN......................................................................................267
3.1. Mass Media Role in Forming Taiwan's Identity................................................267
3.2. Foreign Policy Factors in Taiwan Mass Media Development...........................289
SUMMARY..............................................................................................................313
LIST OF CITED REFERENCES
317
180
INTRODUCTION
Relevance of the Study. Taiwan has been poorly explored in the Russian scientific literature. It is not just a province that is claimed but not controlled by the People's Republic of China. The Republic of China (ROC) is an exceptionally complex example of a partially recognized state that boasts a developed democratic system of government, a high standard of living, a stable political system, a diversified economy and other attributes of a successful full-fledged country comparable to the leading Asian Tigers.
Many of the processes that took, and are taking, place on the island can be of particular interest for the analysis and management of processes happening in Russia due to a large number of parallels between Russia and the Republic of China in terms of both historical and current experience. In the late 1980s, Taiwan went through a rapid process of democratic reforms that have affected its political landscape and, in particular, expanded the right to freedom of speech. The competition between political projects, political and economic programs that were presented to the citizens of the Republic of China has made Taiwan a country with a high level of democracy. Independent and politically unbiased media has become a value for Taiwanese society, as is shown by the recent protests against the increasing influence of PRC-related business on the media landscape of the island.
The processes that are developing in the context of the competition between meanings and between media organizations radically change both the Republic of China and the region as a whole. An open political dialogue involving a large number of actors maps out its economic, domestic and foreign policies, and identity development processes.
The experience of rolling out such a model and achieving such a level of communication is extremely important for Russia. The democratization processes in the Republic of China and the Russian Federation started almost simultaneously. Before that, both countries lived under authoritarian rule and virtual monopoly on political communication enjoyed by the sole political power that determined the
image of the state. For historians of journalism and political scientists, the martial law period on the island of Taiwan (1949 - 1987) can serve as an example of a consistent state policy with regard to the media and the ideology of media content. The use of both administrative measures, such as legislative barriers to the creation of independent media, and the principles of internal soft power consisting in the covert control over editorial boards of the leading media outlets, represents a rich material for comparative analysis with similar processes in the political communication space of the pre-perestroika USSR and, in some cases, with certain manifestations of political interference in the media in contemporary Russia.
Democratic transformations in the Republic of China coincided with the foregrounding of the key issues of the national identity of Taiwan and its population, the international statehood of the Republic of China, and the search for a political alternative to the Nationalist Party of China (HKM / the Kuomintang - the governing party in the emergency rule period). To some extent, these issues triggered democratization, although the main driving force of transformations was the intraelite contradictions that had accumulated by the late 1980s. Many of the problems that filled the Taiwan media after 1987 are identical to the discourses that became entrenched in the Russian political field after the disappearance of the USSR from the political map of the world. The search for a legitimate, non-confrontational and all-embracing national identity is one of the problems that create an affinity between contemporary Russia and Taiwan. When operating in the information space, the ROC's political forces used methods of practical social constructivism to attempt, in a greater (the Democratic Progressive Party (K^M / Minjindang)) or lesser (the Kuomintang) degree, to implement a project for building a multi-ethnic Taiwanese civil nation based on the unity and cultural diversity of the ethnic groups populating the island. Despite almost thirty years of efforts, the Taiwanese nation-building project is still experiencing a crisis today, in many respects due to the very publicity of decision-making on the island. Involved in an ongoing dialog with public opinion leaders and voters, the Taiwanese policymakers are unable to take decisive steps towards establishing a full-fledged nation state. The issues such as state sovereignty,
abandonment of territorial claims, and mechanisms for international recognition still have to be resolved. The ethnic connotations of the public policy are becoming a more problematic issue.
The coverage of foreign policy processes by the Taiwanese media is no less dramatic. Some of the examples are as follows: The rapprochement with Japan and the expansion of Japanese culture to Taiwan is a multifaceted trend that has strong political connotations due to Taiwan's colonial past and the former ban on the Japanese culture. A decline of public interest in the United States, which was long a leading geopolitical ally of the Republic of China, can also be traced in the Taiwan media. This cannot help but signal the growing value of an independent approach to choosing and shaping policy guidelines, goals and models.
Of course, the Taiwanese media reflect the relations with the PRC and the correlation of the development of Taiwan's identity with that of Greater China — the most difficult process both in domestic and foreign policy of Taiwan. The relations between the People's Republic of China and Taiwan are one of the key "frozen" conflicts of the 20th century, which will surely gain momentum in the current century. The circumstances of the geopolitical dispute are complex not only because of its historical uniqueness, but also due to the fact that it cannot be resolved immediately, as neither reconciliation nor escalation scenario is in place. The political communication space becomes the only battlefield for a long "positional war" of opinions regarding this complicated issue. From the demonstrative rapprochement between the journalistic communities of the PRC and Taiwan in the 1990s, the situation has developed into a stage which is most closely reminiscent of the creeping penetration of Chinese influence into the Hong Kong media in the period leading up to the "one country, two systems" reunification of Hong Kong with the PRC. The clash of geopolitical interests of the world powers in Taiwan and the ROC's existing political identity significantly complicate the obvious efforts of the agents of influence from the PRC to absorb the media space of Taiwan and take a leading position among the centers reshaping public opinion. The rapid expansion of public and even street politics in recent years was caused by the huge internal tension in
Taiwan society, especially in the student and intellectual environments, in connection with the acquisition of the country's main media outlets by moguls. Accustomed to the international appreciation of the freedom of speech, the Taiwanese perceive the changes in the leadership of media holdings as a direct interference in the domestic policy of the country. The developments are even more dramatic for media outlets which operate in a very narrow corridor of possibilities for the coverage of the Taiwan-China issue, forced to change their rhetoric in accordance with the orientations of their new owners — the long-standing political tradition of open confrontation cannot be overcome in a short period of time. For Russian subject matter specialists, this very complex case, which involves the fields of foreign policy, domestic policy, identity, and business processes in the media industry, is extremely relevant nowadays. Already today, Russia's public communication space is dominated by powerful, independent politicized discourses that mobilize and polarize the society, while narrowing the space for political maneuvers of power brokers.
Thus, Taiwan's media are a place of constant struggle between political forces that strengthened their dominance in the political communication space during some periods of history. The media have a unique history of establishment in a postcolonial space, development in a totalitarian state, democratic transformations, political and information competition, and scientific and technological progress.
A study of the development of media in Taiwan and an analysis of related trends in politics and in building state and national identity can significantly enrich the experience of Russia in the subject areas of development. The academic significance of the work is also relevant because of the shortage of Russian-language sources on the subject, particularly of those that offer a systematization, generalization and analysis.
The chronological framework of the study covers the period from 1945 till 2018. However, in the course of the research the author addresses earlier events in the history of Taiwan as well. Such retrospect is essential due to the fact that the history of the prewar Taiwan has been long affecting the development of the media on the island, in the state information policy and in the democratic political struggle. The
choice of the chronological framework is predetermined by the fact that the development of the media and mass communications in Taiwan turned out to be one of the major processes in social, economic and political modernization which took place in the Republic of China in the postwar years and, in particular, starting from the rule of the Kuomintang Party on the island after the defeat in the civil war on the territory of Mainland China.
The historic period under consideration can be nominally divided into three segments each corresponding to a number of determinant tendencies and aspects characterizing the condition of the media, mass communications and the state information policy.
The first period, starting from the end of World War II and up to the early 1970-s, is marked by a rapid pace of economic modernization, a growth of educated urban population, a growth in the number and quality of the media against the background of an extremely tough, authoritarian state information policy. During this period, mass communications on the island were under a total control of the state, and the explosive development of the mass media, appearance and development of new media sources (radio, television) were always accompanied by interference of the leading political structure of Taiwan - the Kuomintang Party.
The most significant trend for the further development of Taiwan's media of the second period (from 1970-s till 1988) was the appearance of independent media, which had originally been illegal, however, they developed rapidly and soon became determinant communication channels shaping public opinion. Appearance and popularization of independent media was prompted by the growth of interest of society to the "Taiwanese identity" as opposed to the ideology of "Chinese nationalism" propagated by the state-run media, as well as by other social and economic reasons which were the manifestation of establishment of Taiwan as, in all but name, an independent state with its unique nation.
1988 was the year of the beginning of active democratization of the media, which has since been accompanied by appearance of new forms of mass communications, a growth of political pluralism, intensification of the public
dialogue on state sovereignty and national identity of Taiwan. Currently, the media and mass communications in Taiwan are constantly developing, and media assets are in the center of a serious international struggle.
The practical research problem is determined by a considerable number and complexity of the discourses accumulated in the Taiwanese media that have an impact on government, society and mass media in the Republic of China. Other underlying factors include a complex history of Taiwan's national information policy and the uncertainty about the territorial and state identity issues at the international level. In this context, one can observe a multicomponent increase in social and media tensions across the region, which requires a deep scientific analysis and reflection.
Background and State of Art. The phenomenon of political modernization is discussed on the basis of works by Rostow1, Organski2, Martinelli3, Lipset4, Moore5, Huntington6, Przeworski7, Almond and Verba8, Melville9, Tsurutani10, Dahl11, Popper12, Toffler13, Chen Jia Wei14, and others. The theoretical insights into
1 Rostow W. The Stages of Economic Growth. 3rd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.
2 Organski A.F.K. The Stages of Political Development. New York: Free Press, 1965.
3 Martinelli A. Global Modernization. London: Sage Publications, 2005.
4 Lipset S. Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy // American Political Science Review, 1959. №.53 (March); Lipset S. Political Man. The Social Bases of Politics. New York: Doubleday, 1960.
5 Moore B. Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy. New York: Beacon Press, 1966.
6 Huntington S. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century [Tretya volna. Demokratizatsiya v kontse XX veka]. Moscow, 2003.
7 Przeworski A., Cheibub J., Alvarez M., Limongi F. Democracy and Development: Political Institutions and Material Well-being in the World, 1950 - 1990. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.
8 Almond G., Verba S. The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations / [Grazhdanskaya kultura: politicheskiye ustanovki i demokratiya v pyati stranakh. Translated from English by E. Gendel]. Moscow: Mysl, 2014.
9 Melville A.Y. Demokratichskiye tranzity (Teoretiko-metodologicheskiye i prikladnye apsekty). Moscow, 1999. [Melville A.Y., Democratic Transits (Theoretical and Methodological Applied Aspects), Moscow, 1999].
10 Tsurutani T. The Politics of National Development, Political Leadership in Transitional Societies. New York: Free Press, 1973.
11 Dahl R. On Democracy [O demokratii]. Moscow, 1999.
12 Popper Karl. The Open Society and Its Enemies [Otkrytoye obshchestvo i ego vragi]. Moscow: Kulturnaya Initsiativa, 1992.
13 Toffler A. Metamorphosis of Power [Metamorfozy vlasti]. Moscow: AST, 1994.
14 Chen Chia-wei. Post-authoritarian Modernization: The Meaning of the Concept in the Area of Confucian Civilization [Postavtoritarnaya modenizatsiya: problematizatsiay ponyatiya na primerakh
the problems of freedom of speech, freedom of the press and media pluralism in the development of media in democratic societies are presented based on studies by Tindal15, Voltmer16, Dahl17, Karl and Schmitter18, and others. A review of the theories of mass media is represented in this thesis research by works by Siebert, Peterson,
19 20 21 22 23 24 25
Shramm , Hatchen , McQuail , Williams , McLuhan , Korkonosenko , Gavra , and other scholars. Particular attention is given to the exploration of theories that clarify and interpret the phenomenon of collective identity and self-identification. In particular, this thesis research reviews the approaches offered by Anderson26,
27 28 29 30 31 32
Gellner , Calhoun , Deutsch , Stolin , Arutyunyan , Ageev , Smirnova and
33 34
Kiselev33, Schneider34, and others.
stran konfutsianskoy tsivilizatsii] // Gosudarvstvennoye Upravleniye. Electronic bulletin. Issue No. 53. 2015. November.
15 Matthew Tindal. Reasons against Restraining the Press. London: Gale ECCO, Print Editions, 2010.
16 Voltmer K. Structures of Diversity of Press and Broadcasting Systems: The Institutional Context of Public Communication in Western Democracies. Berlin: Wissenschaftszentrum für Sozialforschung, 2000.
17 Dahl R.A. Procedural Democracy // Philosophy, Politics and Society / ed. by P. Laslett, J. Fishkin. Oxford, 1979.
18 Karl T.L., Schmitter Ph. Concepts, Assumptions and Hypotheses About Democratization (Reflections on Applicability of the Transitological Paradigm for the Study of Post-Communist Transformations) // Polis. 2004. No. 4.
19 Siebert G.F., Peterson T., Shramm W. Four Theories of Press. University of Illinois Press, 1956.
20 Hatchen W.A. The World News Prism: Changing Media, Changing Ideologies. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1987.
21McQuail D. Mass Communication Theory: An Introduction. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1984.
22 Williams R. Communications. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1967.
23 McLuhan M. The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man [Galaktika Gutenberga. Stanovleniye cheloveka pechatayushchego]. Moscow, 2005.
24 Korkonosenko S.G. Osnovy Zhurnalistiki: Uchebnik dlya vuzov [The Basics of Journalism: College Textbook]. Moscow, 2004.
25 Gavra D.P. Sotsialno-kommunikativnye tekhnologii: obosnovaniye kategorii [Social Communication Technologies: Substantiation of the Category] / D.P. Gavra // PR Technology in an Information Society: Proceedings of the II Russian National Science-to-Practice Conference, St. Petersburg, 2004.
26 Anderson B. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism [Voobrazhayemye soobshchestva. Razmyshleniya ob istokakh i rasprostranenii natsionalizma] / Anderson B. Moscow, 2001.
27 Gellner E. Nations and Nationalism [Natsii i natsionalizm]. Moscow, 1991.
28 Calhoun C. Nationalism [Natsonalizm]. Moscow, 2006.
29 Deutsch K. Nationalism and Social Communication - An Inquiry into the Foundation of Nationality. London, 1969.
30 Stolin V.V. Samosoznaniye lichnosti [Personality self-awareness]. Moscow, 1983.
In his research of the development of the Taiwanese media, the author had to rely more on works by foreign scholars. A retrospective analysis of the national information policy of the Republic of China is based on studies by Lee, Rawnsley,
35
Chen Guoxiang, Zhu Ping, Chiu Zhui-hui, Chin, and others , as well as the results of a review of national legal regulations of the Republic of China, media materials and other evidence.
Changes in Taiwan's media landscape and national information policy during the democratic transformations after the lift of martial law are addressed based on examples of research by Chin-Chuan Lee, Ping-Hung Chen, Ching-Lung Huang, Gudoshnikov36 and others, as well as on the basis of materials from the leading Taiwanese media. An analysis of the connection between Taiwan's electoral processes and media was carried out on the basis of works by Fell. Wei-chin Lee,
37
Batto, Lams and others, as well as expert and statistical data publicly available from official sources of the Republic of China, published in the media or specialized data books.
31 Arutyunyan S.F. Identichnost: ot teorii k praktike [Identity: From Theory to Practice]. Yerevan, 2010.
32 Ageev V.S. Sotsialnaya identichnost lichnosti [Social Identity of an Individual] // Sotsialnaya psikhologiya: Khrestomatiya / Ed. by E.P. Belinskaya, O.A. Tikhomandritskaya. Moscow, 2003.
33 Smirnova A.G., Kiselev I.Y. Identichnost v menyayushchemsya mire [Identity in a Changing World]. Yaroslavl, 2002.
34 Schneider L.B. Professionalnaya identichnost [Professional Identity]. Moscow, Voronezh, 2004.
35 Lee C. Thomas. Mass Media and Communication Research in the Republic of China. Singapore, 1971; Gary D. Rawnsley. The Media and Popular Protest in Pre-Democratic Taiwan // Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television, vol. 20, no. 4 (2000); Chen Guoxiang, and Zhu Ping. Forty Years of Evolution and Progress in Taiwan's Newspapers. Taipei, 1987; Chiu Zhui-Hui. Mass Media in Taiwan: History, Current Status and Prospects. St. Petersburg, 1999; Sheila Chin. Broadcasting and New Media Policies in Taiwan. N.Y., 1997.
36 Chin-Chuan Lee. Sparking a Fire: The Press And the Ferment of Democratic Change in Taiwan // Journalism Monographs 5. Taipei, 1993; Ping-Hung Chen. Who Owns Cable Television? Media Ownership Concentration in Taiwan // The Journal of Media Economics, 15(1). Oxford. 2002; Huang Ching-Lung. The Changing Roles of the Media in Taiwan's Democratization Process. Massachusetts, 2009.
37 Dafydd Fell. Political and Media Liberalization and Political Corruption in Taiwan. Cambridge, 2005; Wei-chin Lee. Mediated Politics in Taiwan: Political Talk Shows and Democracy // Taiwan Journal of Democracy, Volume 7, No. 2. Taipei, 2011; The Consequences of Democratisation on Taiwan's Daily Press // http://chinaperspectives.revues.org/ URL:
http://chinaperspectives.revues.org/791 (date of reference: 11.03.2015); Lutgard Lams. Media Panic or Manic: The 2004 Taiwan Parliamentary Election in the Local English-Language Press // Taiwan International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 4, No.4. Taipei, 2008.
The refractions of the problematic discourse on Taiwan's national identity in the media were studied on the basis of media materials, discourse research by Hui-
38
Ching Chang, Holt, Sai-Hua Kuo, Jennifer Wei, Alice Chu and others, as well as analytical works by Chien-Jung Hsu, Fang-Long Shih, Li-Li Huang, James Liu, Chien-min Yang, Shih-Hung Lo, Makeham, A-chin Hsiau, Song Xiaokun, Martin,
39
Li-Jung Wang , and others. The role of Taiwan's media in the foreign policy agenda of the Republic of China was studied by Longqing Wang, Shuling Huang, Hsin-Yen Yang, Ivy I-chu Chang, Yoshihisa, Yih-Jye Hwang, Junhao Hong40, and others, and a review of their works is also presented in this thesis.
38 Hui-Ching Chang, Rich Holt. "New Taiwanese". Evolution of an Identity Project in the Narratives of United Daily News // Journal of Asian Pacific Communication №19(2). Amsterdam, 2009; Sai-Hua Kuo. Social Change and Discursive Change: Analyzing Conversationalization of Media Discourse in Taiwan // Discourse Studies, №9. Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore, 2007; Jennifer M. Wei. Language Choice in Taiwanese Political Discourse // NTU Studies in Language and Literature, №14.Taipei, 2005; Alice R. Chu. "You Can't Say 'Chinese'!": Negotiating Taiwan's National Identity Crisis Discourses on Political TV Call-In Shows. Austin, 2003.
39 Chien-Jung Hsu. The Construction of National Identity in Taiwan's Media, 1896 - 2012. London, 2014; Fang-Long Shih. Taiwan's Subjectivity and National Narrations: Towards a Comparative Perspective with Ireland // Taiwan in Comparative Perspective, №4. London, 2012; Li-Li Huang, James H. Liu, Maanling Chang. "The Double Identity" of Taiwanese Chinese: A Dilemma of Politics and Culture Rooted in History // Asian Journal of Social Psychology, Volume 7, Issue 2. Hoboken, New Jersey, 2004; Chien-min Yang. Between Ethnic and Civic: A Paradox of National Identification in Contemporary Taiwan. N.Y., 2014; Shih-Hung Lo. Diaspora Regime into Nation: Mediating Hybrid Nationhood in Taiwan // Javnost - The Public Vol. 9, No.1. Ljubljana, 2002; John Makeham, A-chin Hsiau. Cultural, Ethnic, and Political Nationalism in Contemporary Taiwan. Bentuhua. London, 2005; Song Xiaokun. Between Civic and Ethnic: the Transformation of Taiwanese Nationalist Ideologies (1895 - 2000). Brussels, 2009; Martin Howard J. The Hakka Ethnic Movement in Taiwan, 1986 - 1991 // Nicole Constable. Guest People: Hakka Identity in China and Abroad. Seattle and London, 1996; Li-Jung Wang. Towards Multiculturalism? Identity, Difference and Citizenship in Cultural Policy in Taiwan (1949 - 2002). Coventry, 2003.
40 Longqing Wang. Journalists, Media Diplomacy and Media-Broker Diplomacy in Relations between Mainland China and Taiwan from 1987 - 2009. Sydney, 2009; Shuling Huang. Nation-branding and transnational consumption: Japan-mania and the Korean wave in Taiwan // Media, Culture & Society №33 (1). N.Y., 2011; Hsin-Yen Yang. Re-interpreting Japanomania: transnational media, national identity and the restyling of politics in Taiwan. Iowa City, 2010; Ivy I-chu Chang. Colonial Reminiscence, Japanophilia Trend, and Taiwanese Grassroots Imagination in Cape No. 7 // Concentric: Literary and Cultural Studies, №36(1). Taipei, 2010; Amae Yoshihisa. Pro-colonial or Postcolonial? Appropriation of Japanese Colonial Heritage in Present-day Taiwan // Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, №40(1). Hamburg, 2011; Yih-Jye Hwang. Japan as "Self' or "the Other" in Yoshinori Kobayashi's On Taiwan // China Information, №24(1). N.Y., 2010; Junhao Hong. Cultural Relations of China and Taiwan: An Examination of Three Stages of Policy Change // Intercultural Communication Studies, №1. Macao, 1996.
The scientific objective of this project is to achieve the most complete and comprehensive understanding of the development of mass media and information policy in the Republic of China on Taiwan and to define the role and place of mass media in the generation and development of key long-term problems in the domestic and foreign policies of Taiwan.
The target of the study is the creation and development of the media space and the national information policy of Taiwan in inseparable conjunction with the historical and political transformations and the development of a civil society in the region.
The subject of the study is the correlation and mutual interaction between the national information policy, democratic processes, changing foreign policy situation, ethnic, linguistic and national contradictions, and other factors in the development of the Taiwanese media space.
The aim of this thesis work is to investigate the structure and development of the mass media system of Taiwan, identify mechanisms of interactions between its key actors, and study historical and current transformations in the Taiwanese media landscape in the light of domestic and foreign policy, identity and other factors. To achieve the aim of the project, the following research objectives are to be addressed:
1. Make a reconstruction of the information policy of Taiwan and identify key turning points, relevant development thrusts, and impacts of the national information policy on the development of the media;
2. Define the role of the media in the social and political modernization of Taiwan by reviewing the development of the media in the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century;
3. Identify the current internal political and social contradictions that have a decisive impact on the national information policy and media of Taiwan; and
4. Identify key external (political and economic) factors of influence that have a decisive impact on the national information policy and media of Taiwan.
Propositions to be defended:
1. Until the early 1990s, the dominant political force that influenced the development of the Taiwanese media was the Kuomintang party. Later, the development of the media landscape was determined by the competition between two centers of political influence, the Kuomintang Party and the Democratic Progressive Party. They influenced both the media and the content of political information. In the recent years, the so-called "Third Force", which has emerged from street protests, has been trying to thrust their vision of development and regulation of the media industry on Taiwan's state and society.
2. For a long time, the national information policy of Taiwan was conservative, relying on the authoritarian principles of government. At present, the constraints of the national information policy are the Chinese factor, inconsistent actions of the Legislative Yuan, and the weak position of public authorities in the face of media monopolies.
3. The media and their evolution dynamics reflected the key vectors of Taiwan's domestic and foreign policies. An analysis of the leading Taiwanese media enables us to assess the scale of key decisions made by information policy makers and a degree to which they were driven by internal and external factors.
4. Currently, the Taiwanese media, as well as Taiwan's policy in general, are experiencing strong pressures from the crisis developments in the fields of politics, identity and social life that have for a long time remained unresolved by any of the leading actors. Taiwan's media exist in a complex context of gaps between the real policies of the island's authorities, mass perceptions of the existing and required political trends, the intensified development of information culture, and a growing crisis of the traditional centers shaping the political agenda.
5. The Taiwanese media, as well as Taiwan's policy in general, are reshaped under the influence of foreign policy factors, first of all, in the context of the
country's changing relations with the PRC and Japan. The most considerable economic factor is the intervention of the PRC-related business in Taiwan's media market, which has given rise to a series of protracted street protests and a complex political crisis on the island.
The theoretical and methodological framework of the study comprises conceptual provisions of the doctrines of social philosophy, in particular, of social constructivism, including the constructivist theories of ethnicity and nationalism, of economics and political science, in particular, some modernization theories (the structural approach, the theory of waves of democratization, the civil culture concept, the post-authoritarian modernization concept, the theory of open society, etc.), of the theory of media, in particular, the theory of Marshall McLuhan and its development, etc.
The empirical background of the study comprises materials from the media of Taiwan and other countries of the Asia-Pacific region, the results of sociological studies by leading universities of Taiwan and other countries, and statistical data published by the government authorities of the Republic of China. The materials that were of the greatest interest in the context of this work include the collections of documents and statistical data that evidence the transformation of the way different vectors of aspirations of Taiwan's domestic and foreign policies are reflected in the media, and research and statistical materials revealing the changes in the media under the influence of the ROC's national information policy.
The scientific novelty of the study is as follows:
1. A comprehensive analysis of the media space of the Republic of China which is one of the most problematic regions in the Asia-Pacific Region.
2. Defining the role of the national information policy in changing the range of the media players and the thrust of the key political discourses of Taiwan.
3. Identifying characteristics and relationships between the social, political and economic processes developing in Taiwan and the transformations in the media space.
4. Assessing a degree to which the foreign policy and foreign economic factors impact Taiwan's media.
The main scientific results obtained by the author. The author has:
1. Systemized the scientific representation of the media of the Republic of China during the current period and in the historical perspective; reviewed a historically unique case of media development from a post-colonial journalistic tradition with a strong influence of media resources settled in Taiwan after the defeat of the Kuomintang Party in the civil war in mainland China; identified and characterized the stages of development of Taiwan's media during the martial law period; reviewed the media-related processes in the period of democratic transformations in Taiwan from 1987 onwards; and shown the current status of the media in the whole complexity of their interaction with both the internal and external political forces, and their dependence on electoral periods and economic trends.
2. Identified factors that impacted the structural, content-related and political dynamics of the Taiwanese media; noted the patterns that render Taiwan's experience in the field of media unique. In particular, this thesis demonstrates the implementation of the constructivism paradigm of nation-building on examples from the analysis of media materials.
3. Identified long-term problematic discourses for Taiwan's media the development of which creates risks of escalation of both internal and external conflicts. Some of these include the nationalist discourse (about the Taiwanese as a separate nation), the statehood discourse (whether Taiwan should declare its state sovereignty within the territory actually controlled), the foreign policy discourse (the relations with the PRC, USA and Japan), the ethnic discourse (the role and place of various ethnic groups of Taiwan in political life), and the historical discourse (the colonial history of Taiwan, the civil war in China, the authoritarian period of martial law).
Theoretical and practical importance of the research. The theoretical importance of this work is that it is novel to the Russian research literature on the Asia-Pacific region, specifically Taiwan, and:
• offers a systematization of knowledge and scientific analysis of the development of the media in Taiwan, a region that has long been in crisis in terms of international recognition and identity, as well as in a state of long-term democratic political transformations;
• contributes to the development of Russian research of the Taiwanese media;
• expands the factual basis for Russian researchers of media and political communications in the Asia-Pacific region; and
• mainstreams the problems of media development in the context of accelerated transition of society from authoritarian to democratic models in research. The practical importance of this thesis research is that:
• it can be of methodological and factual importance for Russian scholars looking into subjects related to the media in the Asia-Pacific region; and
• the research material can be used for benchmark analysis of media spaces in different countries and regions of the world.
The results of this study can provide an additional basis for training courses in regional studies, political science, journalism, and special courses for university students.
The reliability and validity of findings is achieved by an integrated use of theoretical methods and materials of empirical research.
Validation of findings. The content and findings of this thesis research have been discussed at the Department of Public Relations in Business of the Higher School of Journalism and Mass Communications at the St. Petersburg State University. In addition, the content and findings of this thesis research have been reflected in four scientific articles:
1. Print Media Development in the Context of Political Processes in Taiwan (Mediascope electronic scientific journal, Issue No. 3. 2013, URL: http://www.mediascope.ru/node/1386);
2. The Specificity of Formation of State Information Policy of Taiwan (Mediascope electronic scientific journal, Issue No. 4. 2013, URL: http://www.mediascope.ru/node/1475);
3. The Rise and Fall of Print Media Censorship in Taiwan: Regulatory Aspects (Obrazovaniye. Nauka. Nauchnye Kadry. Moscow: UNITY-DANA, 2013, No. 6. PP. 71 - 73);
4. The Struggle for Media Pluralism in Taiwan: From Student Protests to Legislative Initiatives (Obrazovaniye i Pravo. Moscow: YURCOMPANY, 2018, No. 4. PP. 276 - 281).
All of the above scientific articles were published in scientific periodicals included on the list of peer-reviewed scientific publications designed for publishing the main findings of theses for Candidate and Doctoral degrees (the List issued by the Higher Attestation Commission under the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation).
Chapter 1. THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO STUDYING THE
PHENOMENA OF MODERNIZATION AND IDENTITY; THEIR SIGNIFICANCE FOR TAIWAN'S POLITICAL HISTORY AND THE STUDY OF MEDIA DEVELOPMENT ON THE ISLAND
1.1. Political Modernization and Democracy Development in the Republic of China. Overview of Social and Political Doctrines and Taiwan's Experience
In the 20th century, the Republic of China (Taiwan) followed a unique historical trajectory. A colony of Japan until the middle of the century and then a part of Greater China, Taiwan became a refuge for the political force defeated in the civil war with the Communist Party of China. Taiwan remained a totalitarian single-party state for a long time. In the second half of the 20th century, it lost diplomatic recognition and acquired problems with national and state self-identity. Due to the accumulation of internal political contradictions, in the late 1980s, Taiwan embarked on rapid democratization of political life. We will examine the trajectory followed by Taiwan from totalitarianism to democracy in the context of theories of political modernization. In the second half of the 20th century and the first decades of the 21st century, the ROC's media also underwent dramatic changes. A comprehensive analysis shows that the media were both a catalyst and (partly) a cause of dynamic political processes that took place on the island, reflecting the clashes between ideologies, worldviews and identities.
In the period in question, the media have made their own journey of technological development which influenced their scope of outreach, interactions with public authorities, and exposure to both external actors and competing political forces. The Taiwanese media are so closely involved in the political life on the island that a complete review and understanding of their development is impossible to achieve without having regard to the context of Taiwan's political modernization, the
problems of search for the "Taiwanese identity" / Taiwan rentong)41, the
degraded influence of Chinese nationalism, and a degree of balance between freedoms of speech and the press in authoritarian and democratic communities. Such a study will only be useful if there is a comprehensive understanding of the processes involving the ROC's media.
The problem of interrelation between political modernization and search for the most effective form of government has been addressed by political philosophy and political science since antiquity, albeit not in modern terms. Humanities currently share a general consensus that the process of political modernization should be understood as a movement from traditional, authoritarian and totalitarian to democratic and liberal forms of political order to ensure effective state regulation, economic and political freedoms, and in particular, freedom of speech and freedom of the press. For instance, as will be shown below, this conclusion was reached by scholars of modernization and democratization, such as Walt Rostow, Seymour Lipset, Samuel Huntington, Adam Przeworski, Terry Karl and Philippe Schmitter, and others.
In general, the contemporary history of the Republic of China (Taiwan) follows this logic. After the defeat of the Kuomintang party in the civil war in China and establishment of a de facto independent state on the island of Taiwan, the Taiwanese society lived under statutory martial law for several decades.
In practice, Taiwan lived under authoritarianism until the liberalization in the
42
late 1980s - early 1990s . In that period, civil liberties — first of all, the freedom of speech and media — were significantly restricted. The avalanche changes that led to the collapse of the authoritarian regime and movement towards the freedom of speech and the press did not come out of nothing. The complex processes involved in the development of a single-party political system of Taiwan, coupled with the problems
41 For more details on the problems of Taiwanese identity, see: Kaimova A.S. Istoria formirovania i evolutsia "taivan'skoi identichnosti" v poslevoennyi period (1945-2008) [History of Formation and Evolution of the "Taiwanese Identity" in the postwar period (1945-2008)]: Thesis, PhD.: 07.00.03. Moscow, 2016.
42 Taiwan's Political Evolution from Authoritarianism to Democracy and the Development of Cross-Strait Relations.
of international recognition and isolation, relations with the PRC, internal political conflicts and ethnic stratification — all this accumulated to predetermine the transition of Taiwan to a liberal democracy.
By the end of the second decade of the 21st century, Taiwan will be facing new challenges created by a new layer of problems related to political modernization. This gives new targets for researchers of political processes in the Asia-Pacific region. When studying the problems of the development of the media and journalism in the ROC, especially their connection with the domestic policy, we cannot ignore the modernization processes that the Taiwanese society and politics have been living for the last 30 years. Many of the theoretical approaches that look into the phenomena of political modernization and democratization offer scientific interpretations of the processes that led Taiwan to the rapid development of the media and journalism at the turn of the centuries.
Political science and political sociology began to explore the phenomenon of political modernization of society in the 1960s - 1970s, driven by the processes observed in both developed and developing countries. The comparison of the developments in rapidly growing economies with different historical and political backgrounds has provided most of the material for shaping modern theories of democracy and the interpretation of the causes of political modernization.
A number of theories of political modernization are associated with the development of the views on economic modernization offered by American scholar Walt Rostow. In his Stages of Economic Growth, he put forward a modernization model comprising five successive stages. Beginning as a "traditional society" (stage 1), an economy reaches the "preconditions for the take-off" (stage 2) and then proceeds to the "take-off" (stage 3) leading it to "maturity" (stage 4) which becomes stable in the "age of high mass consumption" (stage 5)43. Building on Rostow's approach, American researcher Abramo Organski focused on stages of political modernization. According to him, societies go through the following stages of
43 Rostow W. The Stages of Economic Growth. 3rd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. P. 12.
political development: "the politics of primitive unification" (where a political center establishes control over a territory and its people), "the politics of industrialization", "the politics of national welfare" (building a conflict-free social and economic environment with the issues of social and political inequality largely resolved), and "the politics of abundance"44. To develop this periodization, Alberto Martinelli put forward a hypothesis that the sequence of political modernization stages should be seen as that of political crises. The first marker of political modernization is the "identity crisis" which accompanies the emergence of a nation and a nation state. The second "crisis" is the crisis of legitimation, which is association with building a vertical of power over the controlled territories. The third "crisis" is defined by the author as the "crisis of penetration" of politics and bureaucracy into broader strata of society. This is followed by the "crisis of participation", which appears as political literacy grows into a civil society; the "crisis of integration", which has to do with building a full-fledged modern political system; and finally, the "crisis of distribution". After having passed the final stage, a society is equipped with mechanisms for control over fair distribution of the public good45.
One of the most important schools focused on developing a generalized approach to studying political modernization was the structural school of Seymour Lipset. Lipset and his followers explored the relationship between the types of political regimes and economies, seeking to build a structural analysis of prerequisites for the establishment of a democratic system of government. In his work titled "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy" (1959), Lipset wrote: "The more wealthy a nation, the more likely it will be able to sustain democratic rule"46. The hypothesis was subsequently supported by empirical evidence. However, Lipset's concept should not, as is often the case, be reduced to postulating a direct link between wealth and public demand for democracy. The scholar noted the complexity of the relationship he identified: "all
44 Organski A.F.K. The Stages of Political Development. New York: Free Press, 1965. PP. 35 - 67.
45 Martinelli A. Global Modernization. London: Sage Publications, 2005. PP. 44 - 46.
46 Lipset S. Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy // American Political Science Review, 1959. №.53 (March). P. 75.
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