Влияние государственной автономии и государственной состоятельности стран-членов Европейского союза на их (не)подчинение директивам ЕС тема диссертации и автореферата по ВАК РФ 23.00.02, кандидат наук Сорбалэ Алексей Борисович

• Сорбалэ Алексей Борисович
• кандидат наук
• 2022

Оглавление диссертации кандидат наук Сорбалэ Алексей Борисович

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER 1. THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO THE PROBLEM OF (NON-)COMPLIANCE WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION DIRECTIVES

1.1. Compliance with the EU directives: definition and stages

1.2. Actors, institutions, and strategies of (non-)compliance process

1.3. Motives of (non-)compliance with the EU directives: rationality, influence,administrative capabilities and legal regime

1.4. State capacity and state autonomy as drivers of voluntary and involuntary non-compliance

with the European Union directives

Final comments on Chapter

CHAPTER 2. STATE CAPACITY AND STATE AUTONOMY AS DRIVERS OF (NON-) COMPLIANCE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: CLUSTERING THE MEMBER STATES

2.1. (Non-)compliance in the EU: First cluster

2.2. (Non-)compliance in the EU: Second cluster

2.3. (Non-)compliance in the EU: Third cluster

2.4. (Non-)compliance in the EU: Fourth cluster

2.5. (Non-)compliance in the EU: Fifth cluster

Final comments on Chapter

CHAPTER 3. MODELLING (NON-)COMPLIANCE WITH THE EU DIRECTIVES

3.1. Study Design: Time and Space Boundaries

3.2. Study Design: Method

3.3. Study Design: Variables and Analysis

3.4. Results

Final comments on Chapter

CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

APPENDIX

Введение диссертации (часть автореферата) на тему «Влияние государственной автономии и государственной состоятельности стран-членов Европейского союза на их (не)подчинение директивам ЕС»

INTRODUCTION

Statement of the research problem. The phenomenon of compliance in the systems of multilevel governance: international organizations1, federal entities2 and interstate alliances3, is observed through the prism of the principal-agent problem. The lack of compliance or limited compliance on the part of 'agents' with respect to the rules of the game and commitments established by the 'principals' are often explained by the asymmetry of information between the upper- and lower- levels of multilevel systems4, voluntarist strategies of agents, which acquire too large economic and political weight over time5 and the vagueness of instructions from the principal itself.6 The European Union, which is seen by some authors as a multilevel system that faces the respective governance problems7, can be treated as a unique case in this row. As M. Pollack8 points, the EU architecture defines the "situational roles of principals and agents" for the national level of political decision-making (EU member states) and supranational institutions. That is, in certain contexts of political interaction, member states act as agents, which are forced to follow the rules of the game that are established by the EU institutions, while other contexts give the EU states the role of principals voting on and bargaining over the Union's legislation.

Заключение диссертации по теме «Политические институты, этнополитическая конфликтология, национальные и политические процессы и технологии», Сорбалэ Алексей Борисович

CONCLUSION

The European Union, as a system of multilevel governance, implies complex mechanisms of interaction between different levels - supranational, national and regional. A key indicator of the effectiveness and stability of these ties is the level of compliance of the EU member states with the European Union directives. Despite the efforts of the EU supranational institutions to force the EU member countries to transpose, implement and apply the parts of acquis communautaire, there is a significant differentiation in the level of compliance in the pool of these states. One can find three dimensions of this differentiation: (1) by the total number of violations of the EU directives, (2) by the violations of EU directives by type and (3) by annual dynamics of violations. In this study, I examined the factors of state capacity and state autonomy of the EU member states through the lenses of structural and consociational approaches in order to identify the reasons for the division of member states into 'winners' and 'laggards' in the area of compliance.

I observed various compliance strategies of member countries through the prism of the G. Falkner's et al.450 and G. Peterson's451 theories. The theoretical perspectives of "worlds of compliance" and roles in the supranational compliance bargaining (hubs of power and junior coalition partners) construct five clusters of compliance, each of which reflects the reasons for voluntary and involuntary non-compliance among the EU member states.

The First cluster of compliance unites the "best compilers": Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Slovenia. They are distinguished by high lower-level state capacity, that is, the well-functioning bureaucracy and developed administrative apparatus and high state autonomy, which, first of all, is expressed in the Euro-optimistic position of the major veto players and low say autonomy of the regional elites. These two conditions ensure the minimum number of violations of the EU

450 Falkner, Hartlapp, and Treib, 'Worlds of Compliance: Why Leading Approaches to European Union Implementation Are Only "Sometimes-True Theories"'.

451 Peterson, 'Decision-making in the European Union: Towards a Framework for Analysis'.

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directives by these five states for the entire time of observation. One more important factor is low upper-level state capacity in all the states under consideration. The countries of the First cluster do not have sufficient institutional and political weight at the level of the EU institutions and, therefore, are forced to accept the established status quo in the field of compliance, to form coalitions without hubs of power or (in rare cases) join coalitions with one of the hubs of power. The countries of this block consider sanctions for non-compliance with the EU directives as costlier than adopting the required rules of the game.

The Second cluster of compliance unites Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Poland, Romania and Slovakia, i.e. states that, like the countries of the First cluster, they have relatively low weight at the level of supranational institutions. Their major supranational strategy is to join the coalitions organized by one of the hubs of power -Italy, France and the UK. In many cases, violations of the EU directives in these countries are associated with weak bureaucracy and relatively low level of economic development (Bulgaria and Romania), high polarization and fragmentation of national legislatures along the ideological and compliance lines (Czech Republic, Croatia and Slovakia), as well as high autonomy of subnational elites and conflicts between the center and regions on the distribution of say and pay rights in the context of compliance (Poland).

The Third cluster of compliance unites Denmark, Finland, Hungary, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands and Sweden. These are the countries that normally prefer to unite with only one hub of power - the UK. All countries of the Third cluster are distinguished by a fairly well-developed bureaucratic and administrative systems and, in most cases, non-compliance at the national level is explained by low state autonomy: the Euro-skeptic position of the major parties, intraparty conflicts on the compliance agenda and conflicts between the center and the regions.

The Fourth cluster of compliance unites the victims of externalities in the face of

the banking and economic crisis: Austria, Greece, Ireland and Portugal. The economic

agenda is the most crucial for the countries of the Fourth cluster, which is why these

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states seek to soften the EU decisions aimed at greater regulation of the economic sphere of the member countries. They tend to join the EU powerhouses, which also oppose big changes in the economic status quo (primarily, Italy, Spain and the UK). The important drivers of non-compliance at the national level can be divided into low state capacity (Greece and Portugal) and low state autonomy (Austria and Ireland). In all cases, economic problems and subsequent anti-crisis measures taken by the EU and pro-EU national elites led to the popular rise of Euro-skeptic and nationalist parties, which made the decision-making process on the compliance agenda extremely complicated and lengthy.

The Fifth cluster of compliance includes the main violators of the EU directives: Belgium, Germany, France, Italy, Spain and the UK. These are the largest EU countries politically and economically, which rarely unite in a single coalition at the level of supranational institutions and most often compete for promoting their own agenda and expanding their coalition potential. By analogy with the countries of the First cluster, the countries of the Fifth cluster assess the gains and losses from compliance and non-compliance with the EU directives in each particular case, and often consider the potential sanctions for violating the EU law as less costly than adopting the acquis. In other words, the high lower-level state capacity in the form of a functional bureaucracy and a large economy allows these states to relatively smoothly mitigate the consequences of the infringement procedures. For Belgium, which does not have as much resources as other states of the Fifth cluster, the main strategy in the supranational political arena is to follow in the wake of one of the hubs of power, a coalition with which meets the national interests of Belgium at a given point in time. The state autonomy environment in the group of the Fifth cluster is also noteworthy. It includes the conflict nature of relations between the regions and the center (Spain, Germany and Belgium) and the general lack of political will, reinforced by party cleavages on the compliance agenda (France, Italy and the UK).

The statistical analysis, carried out using a series of multilevel ordered logistic regression using the restricted maximum likelihood (REML) estimation models, confirmed several key assumptions about the relationship between the factors of state

capacity and state autonomy and the rate of the EU member states' compliance with to

the directives of the European Union. The results show that states with less stable

coalitions (normally hubs of power), tend to have bigger non-compliance rates than

states participating in more stable bargaining coalitions within the Council of

Ministers. Another two findings reflect the positive effect of good quality of

governance cooperative nature o relations between regions and the center on the degree

of compliance with the EU directives. The main model (Model 1) identified two

important phenomena associated with the upper- and lower-level state capacity, which

confirmed the inconsistency of hypothesis reflecting the influence of country's wealth

on its compliance performance. The model's results show that higher levels of

economic welfare tend to decrease the likelihood of a country's transition from high

compliance to low compliance groups. However, when reducing the set of the EU

members to hubs of power only, it appeared that higher GDP per capita (PPP) tends to

increase the likelihood of their transition from a limited compliance group to a low

compliance group. Within the framework of Model 1, three important interaction

effects were found that link the upper- and lower-level state capacity of the EU member

states. First, an increase in GDP per capita (PPP) increases the negative effect of the

position of the coalition leader on the country's compliance rate. Second, a lower level

of GDP per capita (PPP) acts as a multiplier of the positive impact of the coalition's

stability on the likelihood of a country falling into the better categories of compliance.

Third, a decrease in GDP per capita (PPP) determines the behavior of non-compliance

on the part of states with a high level of polarization in the national legislature. The

supplementary model (Model 2) tested a specific set of hypotheses that suggest a causal

relationship between the relevant factors of state capacity and state autonomy of the

EU member countries and the degree of their compliance with the EU directives at four

stages of compliance (notification, transposition, implementation and application). The

factor of GDP per capita (PPP) has shown its significant association with two types of

violations: incomplete transpositions and improper applications. The model

empirically confirmed the validity of hypotheses, which declare the positive impact of

high efficiency of the national bureaucracy on the number of incorrect implementations

and improper applications. Also, the model confirms the importance of positive

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interaction between the center and the regions on the compliance agenda at the application stage. Finally, in contrast to the findings of the previous studies, the factor of the period of the country's accession to the European Union (before or after 2004) shows its insignificance in explanation of all types of the compliance violations.

Two important conclusions can be drawn from the empirical analysis. First, the analysis demonstrated the importance of considering the compliance patterns through the prism of three levels of the EU multi-level governance: supranational, national and regional. An analysis of combinations of factors of state capacity and state autonomy, which are associated with the interaction of actors occupying different niches in the EU governance architecture, makes it possible to give a more accurate explanation of the (non-)compliance phenomenon in the European Union. Thus, from an empirical point of view, the simultaneous use of consociational and structural approaches seems to be an adequate strategy. Second, the results of the analysis demonstrate that the reasons for non-compliance are not uniform when it comes to different types of violations. While the number of incomplete transpositions primarily depends on the ability of national political parties to come to a consensus on the compliance agenda, in the caseof the incorrect implementations and improper applications, the determinants of failures are the low efficiency of bureaucracy and the conflict environment of the center-regions relations. Thus, different types of the EU directives violations de facto reflect different reasons for non-compliance - voluntary and involuntary.

Overall, the stability of the European Union as a system of multilevel governance primarily depends on the ability and willingness of the constituent parts of the EU project to follow the established commitments. This study focuses on two important issues that drive commitment failures in the European Union system. The first issue reflects the institutional status quo, in which the supranational regulators, primarily the European Commission, lack adequate instruments of control and enforcement, especially when it comes to the hubs of power, i.e., states with the biggest economic and political potential, as well as the greatest weight in the EU architecture. The inadequacy of the EU supranational regulators' enforcement practices is often the focus

of the European Union researchers.452 The second issue is related to the 'big bang' growth of the number of veto players in the European Union. This study demonstrates an important trend: with an increase in the number of European Union member states that occupy their functional roles of coalition leaders and coalition partners, the political decision-making process in the Council of Ministers is becoming lengthier and more complex, which is quite in line with expectations by G. Tsebelis.453 The complexity and frequent impossibility of finding a consensus on the harmonization of the normative rules of the game is also reflected in the growth in the number of contested coalitions in the Council: in the period from 1993 to 2018, there has been a 319% increase in the number of coalitions of this type.454 In general, these trends are correlated with an increase in the rate of non-compliance in the European Union and, therefore, with a decrease in the stability and effectiveness of the EU as a system of multilevel governance.

Another important case related to the pace and effectiveness of political decisionmaking in the EU multilevel system is Brexit. The departure of one of the largest 'hubs of power' from the political arena of the European Union means the need to revise the traditional coalitions that included Great Britain and, in general, reorient small member states to other hubs of power. At the same time, one should indicate an absence of consensus on the compliance status quo in the EU after Brexit. Some researchers see Britain's withdrawal as a way towards more harmonious decision-making in the EU and the creation of a generally more favorable environment for agreement-seeking between the leading countries and their coalition partners.455 Others see Brexit as a destabilizing factor for the EU multilevel governance system, and put Britain's

452 One should note a discussion on the impotency of the EU enforcement powers towards the 'hubs of power' in the area of macroeconomic policies: Martin Heipertz and Amy Verdun, 'The Dog That Would Never Bite? What We Can Learn from the Origins of the Stability and Growth Pact', Journal of European Public Policy 11, no. 5 (1 January 2004): 765-80, https://doi.org/10.1080/1350176042000273522.

453 George Tsebelis, 'Thinking about the Recent Past and the Future of the EU*', JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 46, no. 2 (2008): 265-92, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2007.00788.x.

454 On the basis of the data on the roll-call voting in the Council of Ministers for the period from 1993 to 2018 ('The General Secretariat of the Council', accessed 2 December 2021, https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/general-secretariat/).

455 Kenneth A. Armstrong, 'Regulatory Alignment and Divergence after Brexit', Journal of European Public Policy 25, no. 8 (3 August 2018): 1099-1117, https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2018.1467956.; Laszlo A. Koczy, 'How Brexit Affects European Union Power Distribution', SSRN Scholarly Paper (Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network, 18 May 2016), https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2781666.

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withdrawal from the organization as a trigger for exacerbating the contradictions between the national interests of the "old" and "new" Europe and attempts to build alternative projects within the EU, which ultimately discredits the idea of "one size fits all" and, as a result, will lead to the dismantling of the common normative space of the European Union.456

The problems of commitment within the framework of a two-level game, which arise as a result of the complication of the decision-making matrix and the lack of enforcement tools among the supranational agents, make the European Union similar to other systems of multilevel governance - international organizations, federations and ad hoc interstate alliances. Using the example of ASEAN, J. Marie et al.457 show that the space of decision-making in this organization has an inverse relationship with the number of members: an increase in the number of ASEAN's participants reinforced by the consistently weak level of institutional enforcement leads to the more frequent decision-making stalemates. Castellan et al. appeal to the commitment failures in Brazil, and link this phenomenon to high political autonomy of some regions of the country, especially those located far from the capital.458 They highlight the negative effect of the combination of the logistic inaccessibility of the regions and the unwillingness of the regional elites to follow the requirements of the federal center. It is worth noting, however, that the European Union shows basic dissimilarity to other types of multilevel systems of governance. This dissimilarity stems from the fact that the EU is a pyramid of three rather than two levels of decision-making: supranational, national and regional. It follows that applying the classic lens of the "two-level game"459 to the European Union is at least a reductionist step. As this study demonstrates, a potential threat to compliance in the European Union and, as a

456 Daniela Annette Kroll and Dirk Leuffen, 'Ties That Bind, Can Also Strangle: The Brexit Threat and the Hardships of Reforming the EU', Journal of European Public Policy 23, no. 9 (20 October 2016): 1311-20, https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2016.1174532; Göllner, 'The Visegrád Group - A Rising Star Post-Brexit?'

457 Joseph J. St. Marie, Kenneth N. Hansen, and John P. Tuman, 'The Asian Economic Crisis and Bureaucratic Development: A Veto Player Analysis', International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 7, no. 1 (1 January 2007): 1-22, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lci147.

458 Gustavo B. Castellana et al., 'Decision-Making for Involuntary Commitment in Brazil: Elucidating Misunderstandings between Reasons and Justification', Brazilian Journal of Psychiatry 42 (3 February 2020): 108-9, https://doi.org/10.1590/1516-4446-2019-0554.

459 Robert D. Putnam, 'Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-Level Games', International Organization 42, no. 3 (ed 1988): 427-60, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818300027697.

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consequence, to the stability of its multi-level system can be seen not only in the confrontation between the supranational regulators and member countries, but also in the bargaining between the center and regional elites in the member countries themselves. The results of the analysis demonstrate that the interaction of niche actors at the supranational, national, and regional levels allows to observe a more complete spectrum of the reasons for the failures and successes of the member states' compliance with the EU directives. The positive and negative consequences of the strategies of these actors reinforce each other in the context of compliance. From this one can assume that the stability and functionality of the European Union will be determined not only by the traditional challenges of multi-level systems of governance: the absence or inadequacy of enforcement instruments and complication of the political decision-making process, but also patterns of national governance practices: the ability and willingness of national elites to negotiate and seek a compromise with national veto players - regional elites, opposition parties and interest groups.

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