The role of civil society of Southeast Asian states in the processes of regional cooperation within ASEAN тема диссертации и автореферата по ВАК РФ 00.00.00, кандидат наук Рачинская-Спивакова Юлия Олеговна
- Специальность ВАК РФ00.00.00
- Количество страниц 209
Оглавление диссертации кандидат наук Рачинская-Спивакова Юлия Олеговна
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 1. CONCEPTUAL APPROACHES FOR ANALYZING THE ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN REGIONALIZATION PROCESSES
1.1 Civil Society-Government Interaction: Theoretical Issues and Historical Conceptions
1.2 Conceptual Frameworks of Civil Society Interaction With Multilateral Organizations and Regional Integration Blocs
1.3 Regionalism in Southeast Asia: General Features and the Role of Civil
Society
CHAPTER 2. "PEOPLE-ORIENTED" ASEAN: PLATFORMS AND TOOLS FOR ENGAGING CIVIL SOCIETY
2.1 Civil Society in Southeast Asia
2.2 ASEAN's Vision for Building a People-Oriented Community
2.3 ASEAN's Platforms for Engaging Civil Society
CHAPTER 3. REGIONAL CIVIL SOCIETY AND ITS COOPERATION WITH ASEAN
3.1. ASEAN's Environmental Agenda and the Environmental Transnational Civil Society in Southeast Asia
3.2. ASEAN Cooperation With Civil Society on Human Rights Issues
3.3. The Role of Civil Society in Regional Integration
CONCLUSION
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Annex 1: References to civil society in ASEAN Chairman Statements
Annex 2: List of interviews
Annex 3. List of Transnational civil society networks (TANs) participating in the
research
Annex 4. Questions of the interviews
Annex 5. Assessment of ASEAN openness towards cooperation with civil society based on the data from semi-structured interviews
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Введение диссертации (часть автореферата) на тему «The role of civil society of Southeast Asian states in the processes of regional cooperation within ASEAN»
INTRODUCTION
Philosophers and political scientists have been analyzing civil society's role and its cooperation with state actors for centuries.1 In so doing, they have tried to find answers to the following questions: What constitutes civil society? Is it necessary for civil society to be involved in the policy-making, and if yes, in what way? How does it interact with the government on different levels (national, regional, and international)? What are the advantages of cross-sectoral cooperation for the stakeholders involved? Scholarly attention was initially focused on cross-sectoral collaboration at the national level. Only in the 1990s and 2000s did scholars consider the existence and essence of cross-sectoral collaboration at a regional level.
Regional cooperation between civil society and state actors is expanding into new areas. Meanwhile, civil society's influence on the political, economic, and cultural processes of regional cooperation is becoming stronger. The New Regionalism Approach (NRA), which postulates that non-state actors also influence regional processes, was proposed in this context.2 This perception deviates from classical realism, which states that regional cooperation is driven by state actors only.
The NRA emerged in the late 1990s because of several factors. First, scholars describe the contemporary system of international relations as multipolar or as
1 Hegel G. W. F. Hegel: Elements of the philosophy of right. - Cambridge University Press, 1991. - 250p.; Tocqueville A. Democracy in America. - New York: Harper and Row, 1988. - 349p.; Gramsci A. Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith. Trans. London: Lawrence Wishart, 1971. - 245 p.
2 Hettne B., Söderbaum F. The New Regionalism Approach//Politea. - 1998. - V. 17. - №. 3. -pp. 6-21; Hettne B., Söderbaum F. Theorising the rise of regionness //New political economy. -2000. - V. 5. - №. 3. - pp. 457-472;
transitioning to multipolarity.3 A multipolar system has several centers of political and economic influence. As a result, in contrast to a unipolar or a bipolar system, which was prevalent during the Cold War period, the transforming role of the central government creates opportunities for non-state actors to expand interaction with state actors. Thus, civil society's influence on policy-making processes has increased. Several studies also claim that the global system has entered a "complex society" phase, characterized by nonlinear connections between its various elements, with elements constantly moving and directly or indirectly influencing each other.4 Second, globalization serves as a factor that positively influences the growing activism of civil society at the national and regional levels. Globalization spurred the emergence of various new communication channels, brought about the rapid spread of information, and facilitated the establishment of connections between nonstate actors. The swift development of mass media and social networks has enabled contemporary society to be well-informed in real time and to influence state policy using effective tools. It is near impossible to hide from the public's eye the consequences of natural disasters, armed conflicts, the migration crises, and other important social processes. Furthermore, globalization has also spurred a butterfly effect, which refers to a situation in which small changes may ignite a chain reaction with significant consequences.5 Despite the numerous restrictions on physical interaction during the COVID-19 pandemic, the possibilities for humanitarian cooperation have expanded rather than being reduced.
3 Simoniya N. Torkunov A. Novyi Mirovoy poryadok: ot bipolyarnosti k mnogopolyusnosti [The New Global Order: from bipolarity to multipolarity]. //Politicheskie issledovaniya [Polis: Journal of Political Studies]. - 2015. - №. 3. - P. 27-37.
4 Urry J. The complexities of the global //Theory, culture & society. - 2005. - V. 22. - №. 5. - P.
236.; Voskressenski A. Transregional'nye proekty v usloviyah "postzapadnoy" mezhdunaradnoy real'nosti [Transregional projects under the conditions of the "post-Western" international reality]. //Sravnital'naya politika [Comparative politics] - 2017. - V. 8. - №. 2. - P. 37-57.
5 Urry J. The complexities of the global //Theory, culture & society. - 2005. - V. 22. - №. 5. - P.
237.
In the case of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), an intergovernmental organization of 10 Southeast Asian countries, the issue of its collaboration with civil society had been below the scholarly radar during the first three decades since its establishment in 1967. The ASEAN was developed primarily as a government-to-government and state-centric organization at the time. Therefore, the majority of publications, even those dealing with such topics as cultural interaction6, primarily focused on inter-state interactions7.
However, over the past two decades, the growing activism of civil society organizations (CSOs) in Southeast Asian countries and their increasing interactions with regional governments started to gain ground and attract scholarly attention. This trend can be explained by the increased emphasis on constructivist and reflectivist theorizing since the late 1990s, which has led to the advent of new analytical frameworks such as the NRA, introduced by Hettne and Soderbaum.8 The NRA represented a shift from the positivist, state-centered analytical prism prevalent in regionalism studies during the 1950s-1960s. The state-centered perspective proceeded from a Eurocentric approach of analyzing regional projects by comparing them to the EU model, which was followed worldwide. This resulted in the disregard of each region's unique political, economic, and cultural characteristics. The general assumption regarding Southeast Asia's civil society was that the region's governments largely suppressed it. Therefore, CSOs were not considered substantial players that could shape region-building processes. The political developments in
6 Gong G. W. Problems and Progress in Cultural and Regional Interactions: The Case of ASEAN //Contemporary Southeast Asia. - 1980. - V. 2. - №. 1. - P. 41-53.
7 Broinowski A. Conclusion: ASEAN into the 1990s. ASEAN into the 1990s., 1990. - P. 237241.; Ahmad Z. H. The world of ASEAN decision-makers: A study of bureaucratic elite perceptions in Malaysia, the Philippines and Singapore //Contemporary Southeast Asia. - 1986. -V. 8. - №. 3. - P. 192-212.; Harrison J. Re-reading the new regionalism: a sympathetic critique //Space & Polity. - 2006. - V. 10. - №. 1. - P. 21-46.
8 Hettne B., Söderbaum F. The New Regionalism Approach//Politea. - 1998. - V. 17. - №. 3. -pp. 6-21.
Southeast Asia during the Cold War, as well as the ongoing Indochinese wars and the political and economic cleavages that divided the region then, were also not conducive to the focus on civil society.
Therefore, this thesis's topic is relevant because it attempts to analyze the latest trends in civil society's interaction with regional organizations and focuses on Southeast Asia, a non-Western region. While the European experience of the civil society-regional organizations nexus is relatively well explored in academic literature, the developments in regions beyond Europe require further analysis. Academic publications on civil society in Southeast Asia have been inconsistent. Weiss and Hansson (2023) have pointed out a disparity between the growing activism and ideological and structural development of civil society in Southeast Asia and its episodic analysis in academic research.9
The degree to which the problem has been researched reflects the growing complexities in the analysis focused on the interaction between CSOs and international organizations. Both Russian and Western researchers have extensively addressed the role of non-state actors in international relations and world politics. Thomas Davies,10 Lei Xie and Joshua Garland,11 Muttiah Alagappa,12 Marina Lebedeva,13 and many others have analyzed this problem. In the introduction to his book dedicated to the influence of civil society on democratization processes in Asia,
9 Weiss M.L., Hansson E. Routledge Handbook of Civil and Uncivil Society in Southeast Asia. London and New York: Routledge, 2022. - P.2.
10 Davies T. Routledge Handbook of NGOs and International Relations. London and New York: Routledge, 2019. - 684p.
11 Xie L., Garland J. NGO's in East and Southeast Asia // Routledge Handbook on NGO's and International Relations. - London and New York: Routledge, 2019.
12 Alagappa M. Civil Society and Political Change in Asia: Expanding and Contracting Democratic Space. Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 2004.
13 Lebedeva M. Negosudarstvennye aktory mirovoy politiki [Non-governmental actors on global politics] // Teoriya Politiki. Praktikum [The theory of politics. Practics]. - Moscow: Aspekt Press, 2019. - 3p. 436-452.
Alagappa pointed out a lack of scholarly works on the nongovernmental sector in Asia. He links this gap to the non-democratic nature of Asian states and their alleged incompatibility with liberal values that encourage the development of a vibrant civil society.14 This concept derives from a clear distinction made by liberal scholars between the government, which occupies a political space, and the civil society, which occupies an apolitical space. Liberals argue that there can be no civil society in most of Asia because of the lack of a space that is sufficiently autonomous from the state that may enable its existence. However, evidence shows that the state and civil society overlap almost everywhere in the world, particularly in Southeast Asia.
Moreover, the prevalence of civil society does not necessarily reflect democratization. While civil society can indeed topple non-democratic rulers, in some Southeast Asian countries, CSOs support non-democratic governments and contribute to their legitimacy and stability. The increasing visibility of civil society and its activities in Southeast Asia, alongside the growing awareness among researchers of its rising importance, has been demonstrated in two significant studies dealing with different perspectives of civil society in the region published in 2022 and 2023.15 In both of the abovementioned studies, the main paradigm is that despite the liberal perception that dismisses the possibility of a vibrant civil society in non-democratic countries, CSOs in Southeast Asian countries have been increasingly engaged in activism since the early 2000s. They show that although the topic of civil society in the region has been under-researched, it has become an integral part of Southeast Asian political life.
14 Alagappa M. Civil Society and Political Change in Asia: Expanding and Contracting Democratic Space. Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 2004. - P.17.
15 Rodan G. Civil Society in Southeast Asia - power struggles and political regimes. Cambridge University Press. 2022. - 84p.; Weiss M.L., Hansson E. Routledge Handbook of Civil and Uncivil Society in Southeast Asia. London and New York: Routledge, 2022. - P.2.
Among the researchers who have worked on the topic of regionalism in Southeast Asia, it is worth mentioning Nicholas Tarling,16 Amitav Acharya,17 Tim Huxley,18 Alan Chong,19 Jurgen Haacke,20 Kishore Mahbubani, Jeffrey Sng,21 and Carolina Hernandez.22 In his works, Acharya traces the processes of regional identity formation in Southeast Asian countries by focusing on mutual values and norms. Thus, Acharya identifies several factors that have expedited the rise of regionalism in Southeast Asia, including anti-colonialism, nationalism, universalism, and pan-Asianism. Acharya's main argument is based on the region's uniqueness and ability to adapt and evolve according to external conditions. In different periods, Southeast Asian countries have called for embracing the principles of regionalism, providing different arguments in its favor. Nonetheless, Acharya does not dedicate much attention to the role of CSOs in the region and their cooperation with state actors.23
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Заключение диссертации по теме «Другие cпециальности», Рачинская-Спивакова Юлия Олеговна
CONCLUSION
For decades, scholars studying the Southeast Asian region have neglected civil society and its interaction with the regional state actors, particularly with ASEAN as the critical regional interstate organization. However, the gradual evolution of ASEAN's approach towards cooperation with civil society, alongside the growing awareness of the CSOs regarding the relevance of the Association in promoting regional policy changes, resulted in an increased interaction between these two sides that cannot be overlooked anymore. Some of the conceptions regarding the dynamics between the state and civil society present in the writings of Hegel, Tocqueville, and Gramsci help understand the complex mechanisms of cooperation between ASEAN and the CSOs in Southeast Asia.
The idea of greater public participation in ASEAN decision-making that has emerged in the minds of the ASEAN leaders as early as in the 1980s started to gain prominence after the 1997 Asian financial crisis. The financial crisis exposed the shortcomings of ASEAN integration, including a lack of interaction with the CSOs. The crisis was seen by ASEAN member states as an opportunity to reinvent themselves. Hence, a process began to create a more coherent and institutionalized regional community. The Bali Concord-II Declaration, signed by the ASEAN member states in 2003, was the first official document that referenced civil society participation in the policy-making processes within ASEAN. The ASEAN affiliation process of the CSOs and other non-governmental entities entails the consent and coercion of a state policy towards civil society that appeared in Gramsci's writings. Affiliation status allows the CSOs to participate in ASEAN official meetings. Still, at the same time, it requires them to report to ASEAN on their activities and sources of financing and implies full transparency of the affiliated organizations.
Drawing its intellectual inspiration from the NRA, which places non-state actors at the core of regionalization and regional decision-making processes, this research addressed the issues of the role of civil society in Southeast Asia in the regional integration processes of ASEAN states. In contrast to some assumptions on
the predominantly state-centric regional integration in Southeast Asia, the region is characterized by vibrant and active regional CSOs/TANs advocating a wide range of issues of mutual concern to ASEAN member states. The existing research on regionalism evaluated regional integration mainly from the economic perspective since economic activity can be easily quantified. However, that is not the case with other types of regional integration, such as political and social, which are harder to quantify. Based on the findings of the interviews with leading activists of TANs in Southeast Asia and the analysis of official ASEAN and the CSOs' documents, as well as non-official policy papers that the interviewees provided as supporting indications to the data that was raised during the conversations, the research comes to several conclusions.
The CSOs in ASEAN countries choose to promote their agenda on a regional level due to several reasons. First, despite the political, economic, and social differences among the countries in Southeast Asia, the region faces several common challenges that require transnational solutions. Such challenges include climate change, natural disasters, transnational crime, environmental protection, and more. The exchange of knowledge and best practices taking place in the framework of a TAN is an essential element in developing a comprehensive solution to these problems. Second, national CSOs perceive the regional umbrella as a safety net for protecting them against potential persecution by the federal governments in some countries. Operating as a part of a transnational network adds legitimacy to the work of national NGOs. In some instances, their regional involvement effectively prevents activists' persecution.
Third, transnational CSOs in Southeast Asia perceive ASEAN as an essential regional actor that cannot be ignored and serves as one of the key stakeholders in promoting critical regional issues, such as environmental protection, green agriculture, natural resources management, and women's and children's rights. To successfully implement their policy recommendations, TANs realize the importance of identifying proper channels and tools for practical cooperation with ASEAN. In certain areas, ASEAN is perceived by civil society as a "regional compass" able to
set the tone on essential matters for its member states by adopting roadmaps or framework plans. Even though TANs face significant challenges in their interaction with ASEAN, such as structural complexity, work in silos, and lack of funding, they try to adjust to the circumstances by applying different strategies.
In their cooperation with ASEAN, TANs in Southeast Asia focus on non-controversial and non-sensitive issues that do not contradict the member states' political or economic interests and the region's global powers, such as the US and China. That is why many TANs in Southeast Asia advocate environmental concerns and the rights of vulnerable groups that mostly enjoy consensus within ASEAN member states. There is also an understanding among the CSOs' activists regarding the long-lasting nature of policy-making processes. In other words, the CSOs realize that some advocacy processes may last for several months or even years and require hard and persistent work, including lobbying the issues nationally, building trust with the relevant ASEAN officials, conducting multi-stakeholder consultations, and securing consensus among ASEAN official representatives.
At the same time, because of the institutional challenges and the lengthy bureaucratic processes within ASEAN, TANs initiate independent channels for promoting their agenda by cooperating with other regional stakeholders. By doing that, civil society applies substitutive mechanisms that pursue objectives compatible with the goals of ASEAN, such as enhancing cooperation with civil society and empowering local communities. At the same time, those mechanisms are applied in areas where ASEAN institutional tools are inefficient or lacking. Thus, those platforms have not yet been created despite repeating references in ASEAN Summit statements regarding the need to establish efficient platforms for a constructive dialogue between ASEAN officials and the CSOs' representatives. At the same time, existing forums such as ACSC/APA are perceived by CSOs as inefficient because they deal with broad agendas instead of targeting particular issues. Moreover, these forums occur simultaneously with the official ASEAN meetings, so they are either not attended by ASEAN officials or attended privately and not as official government representatives. Therefore, ACSC/APA serves mainly as a
platform where CSOs can meet, but it does not allow them to interface with government officials. Hence, as was mentioned by one of the interviewees, the inputs of civil society are brought to the attention of ASEAN officials at the final stages of the decision-making process, which makes it challenging to incorporate them in the final policy recommendations.
This situation has also been reflected in ASEAN non-binding statements referring to the contribution of civil society, such as "We took note of the report of ACSC"; "We welcomed the report of the Chair of the APA"; "We noted the comments and suggestions made by the civil society groups." Based on these references, one can conclude that opinions and recommendations made by civil society during ACSC/APA meetings are not included in ASEAN's final policy recommendations.
Because of the perceived inefficiency of the ASEAN-initiated forums for engagement with civil society, the CSOs developed alternative channels for cooperation with the Association - the sectoral high-level working groups in the framework of the three ASEAN communities. Many TANs participating in this research identified several working groups within ASEAN as reliable partners for advocating regional interests. The most prominent working groups include Senior Officials Meeting on Rural Development and Poverty Eradication (SOM-RDPE), Senior Officials Meeting on ASEAN Agriculture and Forestry (SOM-AMAF), ASEAN Commission for Promotion and Protection of Rights of Women and Children (ACWC), ASEAN working group on social forestry (AWGSF) and ASEAN working group on climate change (AWCC). In some cases, the effective advocacy work of CSOs, in cooperation with ASEAN, resulted in the establishment of new working groups, such as the ASEAN Indigenous People's Task Force (IPTF). Being aware of ASEAN's structural shortcomings, CSOs take upon themselves the task of bringing the relevant ASEAN bodies to the table when the issue requires cross-sectoral cooperation, such as the issue of women in agriculture.
Substitutive mechanisms TANs apply in Southeast Asia include conducting multi-stakeholder regional forums attended by national governments, local
communities, and other CSOs. AsiaDHRRA conducted such consultations in drafting the ASEAN Master Plan on rural development for 2022-2026. An additional example of a substitutive mechanism is establishing a digital platform for ASEAN-registered entities that facilitates communication among CSOs and between CSOs and ASEAN. ASEAN adopted the results of both of these processes as an integral part of their official activity despite CSOs originally leading them. Based on the indications of several interviewees, this fact indicates the existing trust between the sides, which is a result of the hard work of CSOs to lower the level of suspicion used to characterize the attitude of ASEAN leadership towards civil society.
By implementing substitutive mechanisms that include establishing regional forums allowing close interaction with national governments and other CSOs in Southeast Asia, civil society in ASEAN member states has contributed to processes of social-regional interaction. Communication between experts, farmers, or activists representing different ASEAN countries during the regional gatherings organized by CSOs raises awareness of the mutual regional challenges. It creates a sense of joint commitment to addressing these challenges on regional and national levels. Civil society enhances regional cooperation by establishing TANs comprised of national NGOs that address challenges shared by local communities in ASEAN countries and combine human and financial resources. It strengthens the sense of solidarity among people and governments. Furthermore, most of the TANs that participated in this research implement various mechanisms that assist in procuring regional public goods of knowledge, expertise, and research. Most TANs organize regional seminars, training, and capacity-building programs that allow the exchange of knowledge and best practices among local communities and deepen their understanding of the joint nature of regional challenges. Moreover, mechanisms of sharing knowledge and experience make it possible to distribute regional resources according to the national needs of ASEAN countries. For instance, experts from one country in the region may be delegated to another country that lacks expertise in this area to assist in dealing with a specific problem, such as the implications of an
extensive use of pesticides in agriculture. Hettne and Soderbaum perceive the activities of CSOs directed at attaining public goods of knowledge and expertise as a significant contribution to regional integration, alongside the preservation of peace and security, promotion of the gains from trade, ensuring financial stability, halting the spread of infectious diseases and preventing adverse environmental spillovers.
Based on the findings of this research, TANs contribute to regional integration in the ASEAN region by cooperating with the Association on ministerial and professional levels and coordinating regional policy on specific issues among its member states. At the same time, TANs promote regional integration by establishing channels for continuous dialogue and interaction between national NGOs and other regional networks of CSOs. Nonetheless, there are still some challenges faced by CSOs in working with ASEAN. Many interviewees emphasized the need for a proactive approach to ASEAN's engagement with civil society. According to the testimonies, the latter initiated most of the joint projects conducted by ASEAN in cooperation with CSOs. However, a more significant challenge emphasized by most interviewees is the lack of an ASEAN budget dedicated to supporting CSOs' activities in the region. To maintain their campaigns and projects, most CSOs are engaged in a constant fund-raising process that allows them to finance participation in ASEAN meetings, release publications, and organize stakeholder consultations. While large TANs have additional funding sources, smaller NGOs face severe difficulties maintaining their interaction with ASEAN.
This thesis has demonstrated that the civil society in Southeast Asia and the ASEAN approach towards cooperation with CSOs have undergone some gradual but essential changes over the recent decade. On the one hand, the "people-centered" ASEAN concept has become an integral part of the ASEAN's official discourse, reflected in its leaders' statements and official documents. On the other hand, the CSOs found creative ways to promote their interests in cooperation with ASEAN while at the same time working independently in areas that ASEAN is not willing or capable of addressing. Based on the findings of this research, it is essential to include references to civil society in any academic course dealing with ASEAN
since it is likely that their role in shaping regional processes will continue to expand in the upcoming years. This research laid the ground for a more profound analysis of TANs in Southeast Asia that will have academic and practical value for those dealing with ASEAN and the ASEAN Community.
Список литературы диссертационного исследования кандидат наук Рачинская-Спивакова Юлия Олеговна, 2024 год
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