Факторы, влияющие на насилие со стороны партнёров над женщинами в странах Африки к югу от Сахары тема диссертации и автореферата по ВАК РФ 22.00.03, кандидат наук Ола Бамиделе Эммануэль

• Ола Бамиделе Эммануэль
• кандидат наук
• 2021

Оглавление диссертации кандидат наук Ола Бамиделе Эммануэль

Расширенная аннотация

Введение

Подход к исследованию

Методология

Результаты

Заключение

Дополнительные материалы

Список использованных источников

Приложение А. Статья «Comparative Analysis of Prevalence and Consistent Correlates of Intimate Partner Violence Against Women in Three West African Countries»

Приложение Б. Статья «The Nexus of a Husband's Educational Status in Conjunction with Alcohol Consumption on His Tendency to Commit Domestic Violence toward Female Partners in Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan»

Приложение В. Статья «What Factors Are Associated With Recent Changes in Men's Attitudes Towards Intimate Partner Violence Across Regional, Rural, and Urban Spaces of Ghana? Findings From Three Waves of Ghana National Surveys From 2003 to 2014»

Работа выполнена в федеральном государственном автономном образовательном учреждении высшего образования «Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики». Публикации, выносимые на защиту:

Ola, B. E. Comparative Analysis of Prevalence and Consistent Correlates of Intimate Partner

Violence Against Women in Three West African Countries. // Zhurnal Issledovanii Sotsial'noi

Politiki (Journal of Social Policy Studies.) - 2021. (принято к публикации)

Ola B. E. The Nexus of a Husband's Educational Status in Conjunction with Alcohol Consumption

on His Tendency to Commit Domestic Violence toward Female Partners in Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan,

and Tajikistan //Journal of Population and Social Studies [JPSS]. - 2018. - Т. 26. - №. 4. - С.

281-304.

Ola B. E. What Factors Are Associated With Recent Changes in Men's Attitudes Towards Intimate Partner Violence Across Regional, Rural, and Urban Spaces of Ghana? Findings From Three Waves of Ghana National Surveys From 2003 to 2014 //Journal of interpersonal violence. - 2020. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260520974070 (on-line first). Апробация исследования

1. Результаты работы над диссертацией использовались автором в рамках практических занятий на курсе «Гендер и развитие» / "Gender and Development" для магистерских программ «Население и развитие» и «Сравнительные социальные исследования»

2. Результаты работы над диссертацией представлены автором на пяти международных конференциях (в том числе Апрельской международной научной конференция по проблемам развития экономики и общества, Африканской и Азиатской конференции по народонаселению).

3. Результаты работы над диссертацией использовались при проведении Научного семинара на программе «Население и развитие»

Расширенная аннотация

Насилие со стороны сексуального партнера (далее по тексту диссертации используется аббревиатура ГРУ) в отношении женщин - распространенное явление, затрагивающими, по расчетам экспертов, до 1/3 всех женщин, когда-либо имевших партнера, во всем мире. В странах Африки южнее Сахары распространенность данного явления ещё выше. Следовательно, понимание, предотвращение и контроль насилия со стороны сексуального партнера в отношении женщин (в тексте может быть сокращено до ГРУА') стали важными задачами в рамках Цели 5 в области устойчивого развития (ЦУР-5). Четвертая задача ЦУР-5 (задача 5.4), ратифицированная многими странами мира, в том числе и африканскими в 2015 году, направлена на ликвидацию всех форм насилия в отношении женщин (не только в семье). Тем не менее, спустя шесть лет многие женщины в африканских странах по-прежнему продолжают испытывать все формы насилия, включая физическое, сексуальное и эмоциональное насилие, совершаемого близкими им мужчинами: сексуальными партнерами-мужчинами или законными мужьями , на уровне выше среднего мирового. Поэтому вполне уместным является вопрос о том, какие факторы определяют насилие в данном регионе. В общем, данный вопрос и является фундаментальным исследовательским в рамках предложенного исследования, для ответа на него предполагается эмпирическое изучение четырех стран Африки к югу от Сахары и двух стран Центральной Азии (азиатские страны рассмотрены для сравнительных целей). Поэтому основная цель нынешней работы заключается в изучении, проверке и обсуждении факторов, последовательно прогнозируемых насилия со стороны мужчин и женщин в отношении женщин в отношении женщин в странах Африки к югу от Сахары.

Новизна предложенного диссертационного исследования заключается в следующих аспектах. Во-первых, хотя целью Африканского союза, куда входят многие страны Африки южнее Сахары, является искоренение всех форм насилия в отношении женщин и девочек во всех странах-членах в соответствии с универсальными рекомендациями ООН, большинство предыдущих исследований по IPVAW в Африке были основаны на национальном уровне, и они, как правило, анализировали только одну страну за раз. В различных предыдущих исследованиях использовались различающиеся методологии и разнородные данные, что практически делает сравнение национальных результатов технически невозможным. Несоответствия и иногда противоречивые результаты,

обнаруженные в содержании предыдущей литературы, еще больше усиливают доверие к этому утверждению. В связи с этим возникла острая необходимость в новом исследовании, охватывающем одновременно различные африканские страны, с использованием сопоставимых данных и с единой методологии, как это сделано в настоящем исследовании. Целью настоящего исследования было выявление факторов, которые последовательно предсказывают или объясняют риски насилия в отношении женщин за пределами национальных границ в отдельных африканских странах. Новизну исследованию придает также подход, основанный на изучении тенденций, который был использован для того, чтобы понять, почему мужчины оправдывают избиение жены в течение значительного периода времени - с использованием многочисленных кросс-секционных данных, собранных на одних и тех же территориях и в одних и тех же регионах в течение более чем десяти лет в Гане. В целом, настоящее исследование дополняет предыдущие знания в литературе, проверяя различные теории и выявляя факторы, которые постоянно предсказывают (или защищают от) насилия в отношении женщин за пределами национальных границ в Африке.

Вопрос был исследован в трех взаимосвязанных подтемах, разработанных в качестве основных проблем в трех опубликованных оригинальных статьях соискателя. Таким образом, это исследование представляет собой сочетание трех оригинальных, взаимосвязанных исследований с использованием общей выборки из 70 887 женщин (n = 27 302)) и мужчин (n = 43 585), опрошенных в шести странах Африки к югу от Сахары и Центральной Азии. В исследовании 1 изучались устойчивые факторы, определяющие оправдания мужчинами избиения жен с учетом временного и географического фактора в Гане - западноафриканской стране к югу от Сахары. Оно объединяет три волны национальных репрезентативных данных, собранных от домашних хозяйств по всей Гане с 2003 по 2014 год, для изучения тенденций и моделей, способствующих положительному отнощению мужчин к избиению жен за более чем десятилетний период. Результат этого исследования уже опубликован в журнале Q1 Journal of Interpersonal Violence (JIV). В исследовании 2 была рассмотрена литература по IPVAW и изучено пять наиболее часто сообщаемых факторов соответствующих различным теориям IPV против женщин, чтобы убедиться в их прогностической силе относительно определения IPVAW за пределами национальных границ. Коротко теоретические аспекты факторов домашнего насилия

можно перечислить следующим образом: насилие продуцируется в семьях респондентов, которые являются свидетелями насилия со стороны родителей, респондентов злоупотребляющих алкоголем, насилие является следствием изменения относительного дохода / расширения прав и возможностей женщин, контролирующего поведение мужа и индивидуального отношения респондента к избиению жены, которые могут быть потенциально искажены. Статья с результатами исследования принимается к публикации в журнале Q2 - Journal of Social Policy Studies (JSPS). Третье исследование вышло за пределы африканского континента: в сравнительных целях были взяты факторы, предсказывающие жестокое обращение с женами в самой густонаселенной стране Африки, Нигерии, с двумя центрально-азиатскими странами культурно далекими, но формально имеющими похожие демографическими, религиозными и социально-экономическими характеристиками -Таджикистаном и Кыргызстаном. Результат исследования также был опубликован в Journal of Population and Social Studies. В ходе обсуждения этих статей были кратко освещены текущие аргументы о двунаправленной IPV в контексте Африканского субконтинента к югу от Сахары. В целом, результаты из статьи 1 показали последовательное снижение оправданности и терпимости мужчин к IPVAW. Принятие избиений жен снизилось с 31,7% в 2003 году до 12,4% в 2014 году, кончено же, с учетом субнациональных или региональных вариаций. Многомерные модели логистической регрессии подтвердили, что африканский тренд, действительно соответствует мировому, показав последовательное снижение принятия мужчинами насилия в отношении жен. Аналогичным образом, в исследовании 2 в разных странах только два фактора последовательно значимо предсказывали увеличение IPVAW за пределами национальных границ: наличие ревнивого и доминирующего мужа, как предсказывали гендерные теории, и факт наблюдение за родительским насилием, когда отец избивал мать в детстве, что подтверждает прогнозы специалистов по социальному обучению. Злоупотребление алкоголем увеличило число случаев совершения IPVAW со стороны партнера мужского пола, но не в Гамбии, где очень немногие (<1,5% респондентов) употребляли алкоголь в принципе. Наличие высшего образования не значительно снизило угрозу совершения IPVAW среди мужчин, употребляющих спиртное. Кроме того, взаимодействующие эффекты образовательного уровня мужа и поведения при употреблении алкоголя показывают, что последствия злоупотребления алкоголем перевешивают эффекты уровня образования для повышенного риска IPV. Терпимое

отношение женщин к насилию со стороны мужчин-партнеров также в значительной степени предсказывает повышение вероятности совершения IPVAW среди мужчин в большинстве изучаемых стран. В целом, настоящее исследование, по-видимому, предполагает общую применимость теории социального обучения, гендерной теории и теории мирового общества в контексте Африки к югу от Сахары. Следовательно, политические рекомендации и программные проекты вмешательства, направленные на ликвидацию всех форм насилия в отношении всех женщин в частной сфере, в тандеме с ЦУР-5 соответствующими заинтересованными сторонами (правительственными и неправительственными организациями) этих африканских стран, должны быть сосредоточены на ресоциализации детей из жестоких семей - для предотвращения передачи IPVAW от старших поколений к младшим, препятствовать подходу к предоставлению IPV на индивидуальном и общинном уровнях в качеству обычной нормы и контролировать употребление алкоголя в большинстве сообществ Африки. В целом, необходимы дополнительные усилия для снижения проблемы насилия со стороны сексуального партнера в отношении женщин в исследуемых странах Африки к югу от Сахары, а также, скорее всего по всему континенту.

Ключевые слова: Насилие сексуального партнера в отношении женщин, Гендерная теория, Социальное обучение, Африка к югу от Сахары

Введение диссертации (часть автореферата) на тему «Факторы, влияющие на насилие со стороны партнёров над женщинами в странах Африки к югу от Сахары»

ВВЕДЕНИЕ

ПОСТАНОВКА ПРОБЛЕМЫ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ

Насилие со стороны интимного партнера в отношении женщин (IPVAW) является серьезной социальной проблемой, возникающей среди сексуальных партнеров по всему миру и более широко распространенной в странах Африки к югу от Сахары. Согласно последним оценкам Всемирной организации здравоохранения (ВОЗ) за 2021 год, почти треть (30%) всех женщин, когда-либо имевших партнеров, подвергались одному из тяжелых или чуть менее серьезных видов физического, сексуального и / или эмоционального насилия, совершенных партнером-мужчиной в их жизни (ВОЗ, 2021). Однако, согласно тому же докладу, уровень распространенности IPVAW выше в странах Африки к югу от Сахары (Африканский регион ВОЗ) и составляет 33%, по сравнению со средним мировым показателем или оценками ВОЗ по другим регионам: 31% - в Восточном регионе, 22% - в западных регионах с высоким уровнем дохода (Европа и Северная Америка) и 20% - в странах западной части Тихого океана. Таким образом, действительно, показатель IPVAW является самым высоким в странах Африки к югу от Сахары. IPVAW от партнеров-мужчин привел к смерти многочисленных партнеров-женщин, утверждается, что он стал причиной около 38% всех смертей от внешних причин среди женщин (ВОЗ, 2021). IPVAW также связаны с различными неблагоприятными физическими, эмоциональными, социально-экономическими, сексуальными и репродуктивными последствиями (Campbell, 2002; Duvvury и др., 2013). С этой целью, первостепенное значение имеет понимание распространенности, факторов и потенциальных превентивных механизмов предотвращения IPVAW (ВОЗ, 2014; Butchart, Mikton, Dahlberg, & Krug, 2015). Однако, несмотря на высокую распространенность IPVAW в Африке, десятилетний (период 2010-2020) систематический обзор литературы по тематике IPVAW по всему мира (Hardesty & Ogolsky. 2020) показывает, что большинство исследований были получены в основном из более передовых и развитых стран Европы, Австралии и Северной Америки; и очень немногие были сосредоточены на бедственном положении женщин в странах Африки к югу от Сахары (Hardesty & Ogolsky. 2020; Cools & Kotsadam, 2017; Heise & Kotsadam, 2015). Таким образом, необходимо сосредоточить больше внимания на ситуации с IPV в Африке. Поэтому, данная работа в первую очередь посвящена ситуации с IPV на африканском контексте, пытаясь ответить на всеобъемлющий вопрос: какие факторы

последовательно объясняют насилие со стороны сексуального партнера между мужчинами и женщинами (MTF) за пределами национальных и культурных границ в Африке? Иными словами, какие факторы являются последовательными при прогнозировании случаев IPVAW в отдельных странах Африки к югу от Сахары? В качестве вторичного интереса в исследовании, также рассматриваются факторы, последовательно связанные с принятием (положительным восприятием) мужчинами избиения жены в течение определенного периода времени с использованием нескольких наборов локальных национально-репрезентативных данных. Чтобы ответить на этот общий вопрос, в исследовании использовались вторичные, количественные, национально-репрезентативные данные демографических и медицинских исследований (обследование DHS) четырех стран Африки к югу от Сахары: Гамбии, Ганы, Нигерии и Сьерра-Леоне для изучения распространенности IPV между мужчинами и женщинами (MTF - здесь и далее использование данной аббревиатуры для указания насилия мужчин в отношении женщин - отметим, чтто обратная тенденция не так распространена в Африке, но изучается соискателем, однако не рассматривается в работе подробно, так как на момент защиты публикация на указанную тему не прошла окончательного рецензирования), а также факторов, способствующих его распространению. В исследовании также изучались тенденции и закономерности в оправдании мужчинами избиения жены за более чем десятилетний период.

Обзор литературы

Вопросу: «Какие факторы связаны с положительным отношением мужчин к совершению и фактическим совершением домашнего насилия - IPV?»1 уделяется большое внимания, в том числе и со стороны теоретиков социологии. Несмотря на это, во многих исследованиях, посвященных MTF IPV, некоторые казавшиеся очевидными результаты часто оспаривались, в них были несоответствия и противоречия (Goode, 1971; Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Yllo, 1993; Anderson, 1997; Kaukinen 2004; Atkinson, Greenstein & Lang, 2005; Loseke, 2005; Vyas & Watts, 2009; Pierotti, 2013; Oyediran, 2016; Cools & Kotsadam, 2017). Это

1 Loseke (2005) отмечал, что так как IPV является многоуровневым феноменом, то его легче изучать с точки зрения «корреляции» с другими сюжетами, чем в контексте причинно-следственной связи.

исследование ограничивается несколькими социологическими теориями IPVAW, показывает их ограничения и пытается применить их к ситуации в Африке. Социо-экологическая модель IPV. Согласно социо-экологической модели Heise (1998) многослойный и многоуровневый характер IPV ориентирует нас на изучение нескольких уровней явления в отдельности в стремлении к лучшему пониманию этого явления. Было выявлено несколько взаимосвязанных уровней IPV -прогностических факторов, которые требуют углубленного изучения. К ним относятся личные факторы (образование, возраст, занятость, доход, индивидуальное отношение к IPV, гендерная идеология), межличностные (супружеская относительная динамика власти: например, относительный возраст, относительное образование, относительный доход), домохозяйства (бедность, религиозная практика, тип брачного союза), общины (тип проживания, например, урбанизация) и более широкий общественные (социальная политика и услуги, связанные с IPV). Исходя из вышесказанного, в данном исследовании будут рассмотрены многочисленные уровни IPV в качестве потенциальных предикторов IPVAW в странах Африки к югу от Сахары. Исследование начинается с анализа факторов, поощряющих или связанных с принятием мужчинами IPVAW в течение значительного периода. Затем автор будет распространять подход на изучение различных многоуровневых факторов, предсказывающих фактическое совершение IPV среди мужчин.

Гендерная теория IPV. Возможно, одно из самых популярных объяснений насилия между мужчинами и женщинами исходит от ученых-феминисток (Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Yllo, 1993; Johnson, 2001). Они уже давно сосредоточены на роли патриархата, патриархальной культуры, структур отношений при мотивации насилия по типу MTF. Утверждается, что, поддерживаемые патриархальными идеологиями, структурами и культурой, мужчины используют насилие только как постоянное проявление своей тактики доминирования и контроля над женщинами в интимных отношениях. Johnson (2001), например, утверждала, что учет других факторов, способствующих IPV MTF, отношение мужчин к насилию в отношении женщин остается наиболее значительным предиктором IPV MTF в Канаде (см. Johnson, 2001, стр. 1). Упомянутые исследователи считают, что мужчины используют IPVAW, чтобы доказать или утвердить свою мужскую идентичность. Однако при тестировании в России гендерные отношения мужчин не смогли предсказать MTF IPV (Cubbins & Vannoy. 2005). При таких противоречивых выводах возникает вопрос о том,

последовательно ли отношение мужчин к IPVAW (используемое в качестве прокси для гендерных отношений мужчин)2 и можно ли предсказывать фактические случаи MTF IPV за пределами национальных границ в африканских странах, используя другие потенциальные несоответствия.

Расширение гендерной теории было сосредоточено на последствиях патриархального доминирования, то есть проявления мужем управляющего поведения, на его вероятности совершить насилие в отношении женщин (Antai, 2011; Johnson, 2001). В положениях гендерных теоретиков (Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Yllo, 1993), Antai (2011) и Johnson (2001) было заявлено, что мужья, которые проявляют контролирующее поведение, такое как «ревность, если жена разговаривает с другими мужчинами», мужья, которые обвиняют жену в супружеской неверности, отказываются позволять ей встречаться со своими друзьями, пытаются ограничить ее передвижение и контакт с друзьями и семьей или настаивают на том, чтобы знать местонахождение жены в любое время и т.д.- по сравнению с не-контролирующими мужчинами, чаще совершали насилие в отношении своей жены. Такая расширенная теория будет использована в текущем исследовании, чтобы увидеть, последовательно ли гендерная теория IPV предсказывает совершение мужчинами насилия в отношении женщин за пределами национальных границ в выбранных Африканских странах.

Гендерная теория IPV может быть хорошо приспособлена для объяснения проблемы в нескольких патриархальных африканских обществах. Как и многие других регионы развивающегося мира, большинство африканских обществ патриархальны по обстановке и социальной организации - мужчины социально рассматриваются как превосходящие женщин и получают неравные возможности. Начиная с колыбели, ребенок мужского пола часто считается более ценным и почетным для семьи, чем женского. Другие проявления гендерного неравенства были задокументированы Центром развития OECD (2021), включают в себя: неравенство наследования (когда дети мужского пола имеют более приоритетные права на наследование родительского и семейного имущества, чем их сестры женского пола), отказ в праве собственности на землю, ранние браки (исходя из идеологии,

2 Для исследований с использованием данных DHS проверка гипотезы в рамках гендерной теории обычно предполагает использование отношения к насилию на женами в качестве прокси-переменной, так как иных данных в обследовании нет (см. Cools & Kotsadam, 2017, и Uthman et al., 2009 для более детальной информации).

что дети женского пола воспитываются исключительно для брака и удовлетворения мужа), калечащие операции на женских половых органах, неравный доступ к репродуктивным ресурсам и различные формы гендерного насилия (OECD Development Center, 2021). Такое дискриминационное обращение с женщинами, включая насилие в отношении женщин со стороны мужчин-партнеров, является обычным явлением в патриархальных обществах и проявляется на различных уровнях в собществах Африки (Oyediran, 2021; Cools & Kotsadam, 2017; Heise & Kotsadam, 2015).

Однако, основным положением критики гендерной теории IPV является ее невнимание к обоюдной направленности насилия со стороны сексуального партнера, то есть возможности IPV между женщинами и мужчинами (FTM IPV), за исключением случаев женской мести за предыдущую агрессию мужа (Straus, 2004; Loseke, 2005; Dasgupta, 2001). Обычно сосредотачивающаяся на микро-этнографических деталях насилия в отношении женщин, часто использующая данные о предыдущих жертвах IPV из приютов или официальных данных, гендерная теория также подвергалась критике за неоднородность или предвзятость, завышение данных. Несмотря на это, теория получила широкую поддержку, особенно в феминистской литературе, и была проверена в текущем исследовании на точность прогнозирования IPV за пределами национальных границ в нескольких африканских обществах.

Стандартная теория ресурсов IPV. Выходя за рамки положений гендерных теорий, теоретики насилия в семье, такие как Goode (1971), доказывали роль структурных факторов, таких как бедность домашних хозяйств и безработица, в MTF IPVAW. Эта теория, известная как Стандартная теория ресурсов (SRT); она утверждает, что именно потому, что у бедных мужчин нет других средств (материальных или финансовых) для того, чтобы добиться симпатии или сотрудничества со стороны своих партнеров-женщин, они применяют в отношении их насилие или физическую силу. Таким образом, эта теория, как следствие, отменяет любое преступное умышленное намерение совершить IPVAW. Исследование Heise & Kotsadam (2015) среди 44 стран, по-видимому, обеспечивает надежную эмпирическую базу для данной теории, поскольку страны с низким уровнем экономического развития показывали более высокие тенденции и распространенность IPVAW. Тем не менее, исследование Bamiwuye и Odimegwu (2014) утверждает, что связь не является линейной. Вопреки ожиданиям, IPVAW был более выражен в богатых

домохозяйствах в Замбии и Мозамбике. Таким образом, для изучения этой взаимосвязи в других условиях необходимы дополнительные международные исследования. Теория относительных ресурсов IPV. Наконец, помимо отношений на индивидуальном уровне и бедности на уровне домашних хозяйств, другая теория - теория относительных ресурсов (RRT) - утверждает о влиянии распределения относительных ресурсов между мужчинами и женщинами в качестве предиктора MTF IPV (Anderson, 1997). RRT утверждает, что мужчины совершают насилие в отношении женщин не только потому, что они имеют терпимое отношение к IPV (как это утверждается тендерными теоретиками), или потому, что они бедны (как это утверждается в SRT), но и потому, что женщины демонстрируют более высокий социально-экономический статус, чем их партнер-мужчина (Anderson, 1997). Женщины, которые обладают большими ресурсами по сравнению со своими партнерами-мужчинами, в большей степени являются жертвами IPVAW (Anderson, 1997; Aizer, 2010). Эмпирическое исследование Aizer (2010) утверждает, что была обнаружена линейная связь между гендерным разрывом в заработной плате в пользу женщин и склонностью мужчин к насилию в Калифорнии. Эмпирические исследования Antai (2011) в Нигерии, Weitzman (2014) в Индии и Kaukinen (2004) в Канаде, как показалось, придали достоверность этой теории. Однако при тестировании в России (Cubbins & Vannoy. 2005) и на Филиппинах (Hindin & Adair, 2002) относительная теория ресурсов не смогла установить достоверную взаимосвязь. Таким образом, вопрос заключается в том, насколько указанная теория относительных ресурсов применима в объяснении IPV между мужчинами и женщинами в странах Африки к югу от Сахары? Теория социального обучения IPV. Первоначально предложенная Bandura (1973) для объяснения социального поведения и применяемая к изучению преступности и преступного поведения Akers и другими (1998), теория социального обучения (SLT) предполагает, что поведение, включая совершение мужчинами сексуального насилия в отношении женщин, является не врожденным, а приобретённым. Поведение, приводящее к IPV изучается путем наблюдения и само-моделирования на образцовое поведение других людей, которых человек уважает и / или считает достаточно влиятельными, чтобы моделировать на их примере свое собственное поведение. Хорошей иллюстрацией является ситуация, когда дети поддерживают идеологию своих родителей и моделирует на их примере свою жизнь и поведение. Таким образом, социальный адепт принимает скрытые (непроявленные) мотивы

или идеологии другого значимого человека, например, родительские отношения или фактическое насилие в отношении женщин (Mihalic & Elliott, 1997). В ходе тестирования SLT несколько эмпирических исследований показали, что наблюдение за насилием у родителей, в котором отец жестоко обращался с матерью в детстве, увеличивало склонность людей к совершению или терпимости IPV во взрослой жизни (Avakame, 1998; Islam, Rahman и др., 2017). Это связано с тем, что мальчики, которые были свидетелями агрессии отца по отношению к матери, могут оправдать избиение жены и тем самым совершать это во взрослой жизни. Аналогичным образом, женщина, которая стала свидетелем того, как ее отец избил ее мать, может развить толерантное отношение к IPVAW, терпеть его и/или даже не сообщить о жестоком обращении. Следовательно, такой адепт может быть жертвой постоянных циклов насилия со стороны мужа или партнера-мужчины. Таким образом, актуальный вопрос данного исследования заключается в том, возрастает ли в отдельных африканских странах риск постоянного насилия над женщинами?

Теория мирового общества [WST] и отношение мужчин к IPVAW. В качестве дополнительного интереса мы исследуем тенденции, закономерности и предикторы изменений в отношении мужчин к IPVAW. Мы специально задались вопросом, находится ли оправдание IPVAW на нисходящем тренде, в соответствии с предсказаниями теоретиков распространения менее насильственного поведения в мире? Как отмечают сторонники теории (см., например, Meyer et al., 1997) и подтверждают Pierotti (2013) на примере женщин в 23 развивающихся странах и Oyediran (2016) на примере женщин в Нигерии, ожидается, что по мере развития стран и попыток ассимилировать различные варианты развития, больше людей будут реже оправдывать IPVAW. Теория утверждает, что, поскольку все национальные государства являются членами международных организаций и часто подписывают конвенции, запрещающие формы насилия в отношении женщин (например, CEDAW - Конвенция о ликвидации всех форм дискриминации в отношении женщин) и способствующие основному равенству (например, ЦУР 5 - гендерное равенство), все больше людей будут принимать эти резолюции во всем мире, и результатом будет значительное и быстрое сокращение части людей, оправдывающих IPVAW. Также была представлена деятельность местных неправительственных организаций по информированию людей о положениях международных идеологических теорий (Pierotti, 2013). Используя три волны выборочного обследования, Oyediran (2016) обнаружил

снижение части женщин, оправдывающих избиение жены в Нигерии к 2013 году по сравнению с 10 годами ранее в 2003 году. Обзор современной литературы показывает нехватку исследований, изучающих тенденции и закономерности в отношении мужчин к IPVAW по аналогии с исследованиями Pierotti (2013) и Oyediran (2016) среди женщин. Поэтому, для понимания влияния развития на отношение мужчин к IPV в настоящем исследовании предпринята попытка закрыть этот пробел в литературе. Прочие теории. Другие факторы, предсказывающие IPVAW, были выявлены в ранее изданной литературе, будут проверены в ходе текущих исследований. Например, несколько исследований показали, злоупотребление алкоголем среди мужчин является сильным фактором риска MTF IPV (Leonard, 2005; Parker и Auerhahn, 1998 год; Foran & O'Leary, 2008; Abramsky et al., 2011), хотя и это утверждение также было убедительно оспорено (Zubretsky & Digirolamo, 1996; Johnsohn, 2001; Kantor & Straus, 2017). В ряде исследований было также установлено, что наличие высшего (среднего или ниже-среднего) уровня образования отрицательно связано с вероятностью совершения мужчинами IPVAW (Jewkes, 2002; Garcia-Moreno и др., 2005 год; Tranchant & Müller, 2017). Тем не менее, объясняются ли вопросы, возникшие в ходе предыдущих исследований, постоянным злоупотреблением алкоголя мужем MTF IPV в африканских странах, и действительно ли получение среднего образования является преградой для мужчин при совершении IPVAW в странах Африки к югу от Сахары? В текущих исследованиях дополнительно изучаются взаимодействующие эффекты злоупотребления алкоголем мужем (прогностический фактор) и его уровень образования (сдерживающий фактор) на его склонность к совершению IPVAW? Эти вопросы рассматриваются как часть общей цели текущего исследования.

Исследовательский вопрос

Исходя из вышесказанного, ниже приведены исследовательские вопросы, на которые данная работа попыталась ответить. Поскольку центральным, представляющим интерес, является вопрос о том, «какие факторы согласуются при прогнозировании совершения мужчинами IPVAW за пределами национальных границ в странах Африки к югу от Сахары?», и следуя многоуровневым факторам, предложенным ранее и проверенных в социально-экологической модели Heise (1998), мы поставили пять второстепенных взаимосвязанных вопросов, во-первых, со ссылкой на гендерную теорию MTF IPV, мы

задаемся вопросом, являются ли личные факторы, такие как индивидуальное отношение мужчин к IPVAW, последовательным предиктором совершения мужчинами IPVAW за пределами национальных границ в африканских странах при всех прочих потенциальных несоответствиях? Во-вторых, ссылаясь на стандартную теорию ресурсов, мы задаемся вопросом, всегда ли ситуационные факторы, такие как бедность домашних хозяйств, предсказывают отношения между мужчинами и женщинами в африканских странах? В-третьих, ссылаясь на положение теории относительных ресурсов, мы спрашиваем, является ли межличностный фактор, такой как более высокие ресурсы женщин (например, относительный доход), достоверным предиктором IPV в выбранных африканских странах? В-четвертых, мы спрашиваем, является ли алкоголь сильным предиктором IPV в Африке, и в какой степени уровень образования мужчин и поведение, под воздействием алкоголя, взаимодействуют, чтобы предсказать или сдержать их от совершения IPV в отношении женщин? Наконец, мы задаемся вопросом, соответствует ли мужское оправдание IPVAW предсказаниям теоретиков мирового общества и какие факторы связаны с таким снижением?

Цели и задачи исследования

Общая цель этой исследовательской работы заключается в выявлении общих и конкретных факторов, связанных с насилием со стороны сексуального партнера между мужчинами и женщинами в Африке или объясняющих его. Ниже приведены конкретные цели.

1. Описать распространенность толерантности к IPVAW и ее фактические проявления IPVAW в течение 12 месяцев, предшествовавших обследованию, в каждой выбранной стране.

2. Изучить роль бедности в прогнозировании случаев IPV за пределами национальных границ в отдельных африканских странах, как это предлагается теоретиками стандартных ресурсов.

3. Определить влияние оправдания IPV или другого патриархального контролирующего поведения (мужем) на фактическое поведение IPV за пределами национальных границ в выбранных африканских странах, следуя прогнозам гендерных теоретиков.

4. Исследовать, являются ли отличия во владении относительными ресурсами (доходами) между мужчинами и женщинами последовательным предиктором

насилия в отдельных африканских странах, следуя положениям теоретиков относительных ресурсов.

5. Рассмотреть и объяснить тенденции, закономерности и предикторы оправдания мужчинами избиения жен в Африке, с помощью информации из Ганы, собираемой в течение десяти лет, с 2003 по 2014 год. Гипотезы исследования

Основываясь на рассмотренной выше литературе и последующих исследовательских вопросах, мы предполагаем, что:

1. Опыт женщин по каждой из следующих трех переменных: (i) засвидетельствованное насилие со стороны родителей в детстве, (ii) терпимое отношение к IPVAW и (iii) наличие мужа, который проявляет контролирующее поведение, будет последовательно прогнозировать повышенный риск IPVAW против женщин с такими характеристиками по сравнению с женщинами, у которых их нет.

2. Мужчины из бедных домохозяйств будут чаще совершать IPVAW по сравнению с мужчинами их богатых.

3. Во всех странах женщины, которые получают больший доход, чем муж, с большей вероятностью будут испытывать насилие от него по сравнению с женщинами, которые получают более низкий доход по сравнению с мужем.

4. а) Мужчины, употреблявшие алкоголь, с большей вероятностью будут совершать IPVAW по сравнению с теми, которые не употребляют алкоголь.

b) В то время как высокообразованные мужчины могут быть менее склонны к совершению IPV, а те, кто употребляет алкоголь, с большей вероятностью совершают IPV, последствия употребления алкоголя настолько нейтрализуют последствия образовательных ограничений, что высокообразованные мужчины, употреблявшие алкоголь, будут с большей вероятностью совершать IPVAW по сравнению с теми, которые не употребляют алкоголь3.

3 Это основная предпосылка соискателя в статье "The Nexus of a Husband's Educational Status in Conjunction with Alcohol Consumption on His Tendency to Commit Domestic Violence toward Female Partners in Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan" published by the Journal of Population and Social Studies, Volume 26 Number 4, October 2018: 281 - 304; DOI: 10.25133/JPSSv26n4.020. Accessible at https://so03.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/ipss/article/view/119338/110221

5. а) в соответствии с теорией мирового общества (Meyer et al., 1997; Pierotti, 2013), мужчины становятся менее склонными оправдывать IPVAW в течение последующих лет.

b) Следуя многоуровневому описанию экологической модели Heise (1998), подтвержденной в работах Takyi and Mann (2006) и Oyediran (2016), мы предположили, что «определенные личные факторы (возраст, образование, доступ к средствам массовой информации), межличностные / домашние факторы (богатство домохозяйства) и факторы на уровне сообщества (урбанизация) будут последовательно негативно связаны с принятием мужчинами избиения жены (Ola, 2020).

Сфера охвата и ограничения исследования

Хотя настоящее исследование имеет большое значение и значимость для изучения различных аспектов отношения между мужчинами и женщинами за пределами национальных границ в Африке, оно имеет ряд ограничений. Во-первых, это временные ограничения. Из-за нехватки времени и ресурсов во многих странах за пределами отобранных четырех африканских стран было невозможно исследовать каждый из поставленных вопросов и гипотез. Во-вторых, поскольку текущее исследование количественное и выборочное, было невозможно дать подробные качественные, этнографические объяснения в зависимости от культурного контекста. В-третьих, поскольку мы используем непанельные данные, мы можем претендовать не на изучение причинно-следственной связи, а на корреляцию. Более широкие данные могут потребоваться для выявления причинно-следственной связи. Опять же из-за ограниченности данных DHS оказалось невозможным получить доступ к влиянию гендерных установок на IPV, вместо этого мы использовали отношение IPVAW в качестве прокси. В-четвертых, информация о насилии была представлена только женщинами; используемые данные DHS не включали данные о совершении IPV или виктимизации со стороны мужчин. В-пятых, существует потенциальная проблема занижения реальных результатов. Это постоянно требует осторожности в большинстве исследований IPV. Жертвы IPV могут не желать обсуждать свой опыт IPV с «незнакомцами»

(исследователями), независимо от мастерства исследователя. Таким образом, смещение за счет занижения показателей в опросе может повлиять на распространенность, а также на коэффициенты оценок. Наконец, из-за низкой доли женщин, сообщивших о IPV между женщинами и мужчинами в разных странах, и временных ограничений, в текущем исследовании не удалось полностью изучить распространенность и предикторы IPV между женщинами и мужчинами (FTM) в отдельных африканских странах. Вместе с тем упоминаются предварительные выводы о двунаправленной IPV в некоторых исследованиях африканских стран в дискуссионном разделе.

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Приложение А

Статья 1. « Comparative Analysis of Prevalence and Consistent Correlates of Intimate Partner Violence Against Women in Three West African Countries»

Bamidele Ola Zhurnal Issledovanii Sotsial'noi Politiki (Journal of Social Policy Studies.) - 2021. (принято к публикации)

В рамках данного исследования автор, используя данные репрезентативного обследования DHS в трех странах Западной Африки рассматривает распространённость домашнего насилия и основные факторы, его определяющие. В результате значимыми факторами, определяющими насилие являются факты насилия в семье родителей женщин-респондентов, контролирующее поведение со стороны партнера, а также в меньшей степени толерантное отношение к насилию со стороны женщины, употребление алкоголя партнером и больший заработок у женщины.

Comparative Analysis of Prevalence and Consistent Correlates of Intimate Partner Violence Against Women in Three West African Countries

Abstract

Intimate Partner Violence Against Women (IPVAW) is a global public health problem with huge social policy implications. While global average of IPVAW experience stands at 35%, IPVAW experiences in Sub-Saharan Africa stands at 37%, next only to Middle East and Southeast Asian regions. However, a quick survey of current literature reveals that very little is known about women's experiences of IPVAW in Africa as the majority of previous IPVAW studies have originated from western, high-income countries, leaving us with questions about their theoretical relevance in low- and middle-income countries (LAMIC) such as those in sub-Saharan Africa. In this study, the author borrows nationally-representative Demographic and Health Surveys of three west African countries, involving a total of 27,306 currently-partnered women aged 15-49 years: Gambia (2013, n=3,232), Nigeria (2013, n=20,152) and Sierra Leone (2013, n=3,922), to report magnitude and consistent correlates of IPVAW in these LAMIC. Data analysis involved preliminary spearman rank correlation and multivariate logistic regression models to comparatively ascertain consistent IPVAW factors across these countries. The result shows that many women still experience different forms of IPVAW in these countries. Lifetime IPVAW experience since age 15 ranged from 23.3% in Nigeria, 24.5% in the Gambia, to 50% in Sierra Leone, while last 12 months IPVAW experience ranged from 12.2% in Gambia, 19.2% in Nigeria, to 34.6% in Sierra Leone. Women witnessing parental violence during childhood and having a husband who manifests controlling behaviours were the most consistent factors significantly exposing women to IPVAW in all countries. However, women having tolerant attitudes towards wife-beating, husband's alcohol consumption and women earning more income than husbands were also positive corelates of IPVAW. The results suggest the need for urgent proactive actions to protect women from IPVAW in these west African countries. Other findings relevant for policy recommendations and interventions are discussed.

Keyword: Intimate Partner Violence Against Women, Consistent Correlates, LAMIC, West Africa

Background Information

Intimate Partner Violence Against Women (IPVAW), defined as "any behaviour within an intimate relationship that causes physical, psychological or sexual harm to those in the relationship" (World Health Organization [WHO] 2012), has continued to undermine the health, wealth, and general well-being of women globally (Garcia-Moreno et al. 2013). IPV affects at least one-third (about 35%) of all ever-partnered globally (WHO 2017). In sub-Saharan Africa, IPV ranks above the global average at 36.7%, closely behind South East Asia region (37.0%), and Middle East Mediterranean region (37.7%) (WHO 2013). IPVAW often vary by forms - physical, sexual, emotional, financial, social, or a combination of these (WHO 2012).

The consequences of IPVAW have been documented. These include physical, sexual, reproductive and mental health challenges (Campbell 2002). The psychosocial and economic burdens of IPV on individual and national budgets have also been discussed (Ansara, Hindin 2011; Warshaw et al. 2009). For instance, IPVAW could result in victim's loss of productivity, consequently poor contributions to GDP and overall poor economic development (Corso et al. 2007; Peterson et al. 2018; Duvvury et al. 2013). At the extreme, IPV sometimes results in depression, suicidal thoughts or femicide (Devries et al. 2011; WHO 2017). Recently, the WHO (2017) reported that as at November 2017, about 38% of all female deaths were as a direct result IPVAW perpetrated by their intimate male partners (WHO 2017).

IPVAW has persisted despite several conventions and interventions. The 1979 Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the United Nations' 1993 Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, and the 1998 Prevention and Eradication of Violence against Women and Children by the Southern Africa Development Community's (SADC) are a few examples (United Nations Women 2020; Council of Europe 2011; African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights 2020). One major challenge with current interventions are lack of sufficient data and studies with consistent results on IPVAW (Abramsky et al. 2011).

There is currently a huge debate in literature originating from different (mostly high-income) countries on the proximate determinants and risk factors of IPVAW. Apparent inconsistencies in IPVAW literature are attributed to differences in objectives and methodologies employed across studies. This makes comparing IPV findings across studies technically challenging (Abramsky et al. 2011). Another challenge in current IPV literature bothers on the relevance of current IPV theorization which mostly originated from high-income countries (and western cultures) in other economies and cultures, such as those of low- and middle-income countries in sub-Saharan Africa (Heise 2011; Hardesty, Ogolsky 2020). The attendant questions therefore are: what factors explain women's experiences of partner-violence in sub-Saharan African countries? To what extent do empirical realities of women in in Sub-Saharan support selected theories of IPV? Finally, how consistent are IPV-factors identified in current literature across countries and cultural boundaries in sub-Saharan Africa? To answer these questions, women's experiences in three former British west African countries (Nigeria, Gambia, Sierra Leone) will be analyzed.

Theoretically, IPVAW is a multilevel and multifaceted phenomenon (Heise 1998), involving a host of interrelated personal, interpersonal, community-level and larger societal level factors (Heise 1998; Hardesty, Ogolsky 2020). Insights from previous research in the western and

developing countries are expansive on the personal and interpersonal level factors (Hardesty, Ogolsky 2020). Personal level factors refer to the individual (man and woman's) characteristics, while "Interpersonal level factors" refers to family or relationship-specific characteristics. A few examples of personal level factors identified as predictors of IPVAW include women and men's low literacy or educational levels (WHO 2013; Kwagala et al. 2013), alcohol misuse behaviour (Hindin et al. 2008; Avila-Burgos et al. 2009; Abramsky et al. 2011), supports for patriarchal gender ideologies justifying wife-beating (Johnson, Das 2009; Butchart et al. 2010; Fulu 2016), witnessing parental violence during childhood (Chapple 2003; Abramsky et al. 2011), young age (Abramsky et al. 2011), poverty (Goode 1971), among others. It is believed that men who have low education might justify wife-beating (Rani et al. 2004) and also be more likely to perpetrate it (Uthman et al. 2011). Goode (1971) for instance argued that low-income family men who lack material resources to lure obedience from wife or other family members may resort to violence. For Fulu (2016), gender norms prescribing social inequality and IPV are the main determinants of IPVAW globally.

However, rather than absolute resources theory propounded by Goode (1971), Atkinson, Greenstein and Lang (2005) has argued that it is the amount of resources relative to wife that men control that explains their IPVAW perpetration. Some men are jealous if wife earns higher income and perceive their masculine authority eroding. They therefore employ IPV as an equalizer. This relative resource theory of IPVAW found empirical supports in other studies such as Aizer (2010) on gender wage gap, and Neetha (2004) among migrant families in Delhi. Other reported interpersonal (relative) level factors include "age disparity" (Otieno, 2017), "economic burdens and dependence on husband" (Dhungel et al. 2017), and husband controlling behaviour (Abramsky et al. 2011; Antai 2011), among others.

In addition to Goode (1971) and Atkinson et al (2005) debates already shown above, many other findings are inconsistent and inconclusive, with some yet to be vastly tested in the African context. For instance, the question does women empowerment (economic independence) protect women from IPVAW has gathered several opposing responses. A multi-country study involving 11 countries by Vyas and Watts (2009) reported that while women economic empowerment protected women from IPVAW in 5 of the countries, it was positively associated in 6. Similarly, while Kwagala et al. (2013) found that women empowerment reduced the odds of women experiencing IPVAW in Uganda, Dalal (2011) found that it increased the risk of IPVAW among working women in India. These differences could have arisen from differences in study methodologies and/or contexts. A single study with uniform methodology and similar data, such as the current study, may be needed to test these theories in the African contexts, but beyond national boundaries.

Another current argument in literature bothers on the role men's alcohol abuse play in women's IPV experiences. Some pro-alcohol-IPVAW scholars have argued that men's alcohol consumption is the most significant predictor of their IPVAW perpetration (Hindin et al. 2008; Avila-Burgos et al. 2009; Solotaroff, Pande 2014). Some scholars believe that the severity of IPVAW perpetrated would increase with levels or frequency of alcohol misuse (Testa et al. 2003). However, other scholars, such as the deviance disavowal theorists (See Miller et al.1997 cited in Galvani 2004: 359) argued that alcohol does not predict IPVAW perpetration in men. To the contrary, abusive men drink alcohol shortly before perpetrating violence only to disavow the blame (that is to shift the blame of their criminal act on alcohol). The disavowal theory's argument therefore orients interrogators to focus on men's personal attitudes towards IPVAW, rather than

alcohol. Fulu (2016) therefore argued that men and women's traditional gender ideologies supporting IPVAW is the most fundamental predictor of IPVAW. There is a somewhat consensus however that women (and men) who witnessed violence during childhood (such as if her father beat her mother) were more likely to have experienced it (Abramsky et al. 2011).

For sake of space and concision, the current article focuses on describing and explaining how five most reported factors of IPVAW predict IPVAW in the three selected west African countries. These are (i) witnessing parental violence during childhood, (ii) spousal relative income, (iii) woman's attitudes towards IPVAW, (iv) husband's alcohol misuse, and, (v) husband's controlling behaviours. Unlike most of the previous studies, the current study employs uniform methodology and similar data and investigates how consistent these factors are in predicting IPVAW in west African countries of Gambia, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone. Socio-demographic factors such as partner's age, education, household wealth, residence type (urban/rural), religious affiliations and region of residence in the country were controlled for in the same model fitted.

Research hypotheses

From the foregoing, the current study tests the hypotheses that: women's experience of parental violence during childhood, tolerant attitudes towards IPVAW, earning less income compared to husband, having a husband who controls her, or a husband who drinks alcohol will each consistently predict increased occurrence of experiencing IPVAW from husband in each selected west African country.

Methodology

Data and Sample Size

The study employed the domestic violence module of the nationally representative, cross-sectional, household-based demographic and health survey (DHS) data of the Gambia (2013 GDHS), Nigeria (2013 NDHS) and Sierra Leone (2013 SLDHS). DHS sample selection procedures usually involve a multi-stage cluster or stratified sampling procedures, modelled after national population census sampling frames. The samples for the DHS domestic violence modules are usually only women, aged 15-49 years old, one selected per eligible household. Data on women's experiences of partnered and non-partnered violence with the last twelve months (12 months IPV) and since age 15 (lifetime IPV) are usually collected by "well-trained" research assistants using internationally standardized questionnaires. Domestic violence [DV] episodes are measured using the Conflict Tactics Scale of Strauss (1979). To protect participants from potential backlash from abusive male partners for reporting violence, in consonance with the WHO's (2001) recommendation, only one woman is selected per household. Privacy during interviews are mandatorily and ensured - interviews are either suspended or discontinued when compromised. The samples analyzed in the current study involved a total of 27,306 currently-in-union women aged 15 to 49 years old - the Gambia (3,232), Nigeria (20,152), and Sierra Leone (3,922).

Data analysis: Measurement, variables coding and regression models Dependent variable

The dependent variable is woman's experience of partner-violence (IPVAW) within the last 12 months preceding the survey. Any experience of physical (e.g. slapping, kicking, strangulation, burning), sexual (e.g. forced sexual acts), or emotional (e.g. threats to harm or actual public humiliation) violence from husband or an intimate male partner was coded to "1", experiencing None is coded to "0". Multivariate logistic regression models were fitted on the binary outcomes.

Independent variables

The key independent variables of interest are: (i) Witnessing parental violence (that is, if woman's father beat her mother; Never=0, Yes=1, Don't know=2); (ii) Tolerant attitude towards IPV. A woman is coded "1" if she agrees at least once that a man could beat his wife if she -"goes out without telling him", "neglects the children", "argues with him", "refuses to have sex with him", or "burns the food"; that is, violating some traditional gender norms. A woman who disagrees with wife-beating in all scenarios is coded as "0" (zero tolerance); (iii) Woman's relative income compared to husband's. Woman is coded as "0" if she earns "less than husband", "1" if "about same as him", "2" if "more than him", and "3" if woman is uncertain or missing; see Aizer, 2010; Abramsky, et al., 2011). Full-time housewives and non-working women were grouped with those who earned less; (iv) Husband controlling behaviour: Controlling behaviour involves if husband is - jealous woman talks to other men, always accuses her of unfaithfulness, does not allow her to meet her female friends, is always willing to know where she is, (and/or), tries to limit her contact with her family. Amount of controls are ranked from None=0, One=1 control, Two=2 controls, Three or more= 3 or more controls); and, (v) Husband alcohol consumption (Yes=1, Never=0). Frequency of alcohol could not be measured as very few men drank alcohol in the Gambia.

Other control variables include age, education, household wealth, region, religion, residence (rural or urban), relative age, relative education, and occupational status. (The results of the control variables are not shown due to space limitation and to focus on the key independent variables).

Results

Socio-demographic characteristics of respondents

Basic descriptive background information on the socio-demographic characteristics of respondents are provided here. As expected, more men were older than their wives. The mean age (in years) of the women (W) and Husbands (H) were Gambia (W=30.2; H=42.7), Nigeria (W=31.0, H=41.1), and Sierra Leone (W=31.9, H=41.9). In all the countries, more samples were from the rural (R) areas: Gambia (R=51.2%%), Nigeria (R=63.2%), Sierra Leone (R=71.7%). The majority of the women have had "no [formal] education" (Gambia=61.3%, Nigeria=47.6%, Sierra Leone=73.4%); those with only primary education (Gambia=13.7%, Nigeria=19.3%, Sierra Leone=13.1%), secondary (Gambia=20.8%, Nigeria=25.6%, Sierra Leone=12.0%), and higher (Gambia=4.2%, Nigeria=7.5%, Sierra Leone=1.5%). Majority of the women were currently married (Gambia=99.5%; Nigeria=97.2%; Sierra Leone=95.8), only few were cohabitating (Gambia=0.6%; Nigeria=2.8%; Sierra Leone=4.2%). The widowed, divorced or separated in the larger samples were excluded from the current study to account for only last 12 months IPVAW experience. Notwithstanding, among these currently-in-union women, experiences of marital

dissolution, remarriage and polygyny were common. One-tenth of the women in Nigeria (10.4%) and the Gambia (11.5%), and more than one-fifth (20.9%) in Sierra Leone were not in their first marriage. About one-third of the women in each country were in polygynous relationships: Nigeria (32.1%), Sierra Leone (32.8%), and the Gambia (36.6%).

Although slightly higher than the women's, a large proportion of the men had low educational qualifications: more than half of the men in the Gambia (57.0%) and Sierra Leone (73.4%), and a little less than half in Nigeria (39.1%), have had "No [formal] education". Only a few men have had either a secondary education (Nigeria=25.6%; Gambia=20.8%; Sierra Leone=12.0%) or higher (Nigeria=7.5%; Gambia=4.2%; Sierra Leone=1.5%).

Prevalence of key variables in the study

With the exception of Nigerian women, the majority of the women still supported wife-beating for at least one reason: from more than two-thirds in Sierra Leone (69.2%) and the Gambia (67%), down to less than half in Nigeria (38.3%). Witnessing parental violence as a child was commonly reported: highest in Sierra Leone (29.5%), next by the Gambia (9.4%), and lowest in Nigeria (8.2%). However, alcohol consumption was most common among Nigerian men (17.4%), than Sierra Leone (15.7%) and the Gambia (1.1%). More than half of the women reported several husband controlling behaviours: Gambia (50.2%), Nigeria (64.2%) and Sierra Leone (79.3%). Among the women who are employed and earn cash income, the majority earn less than the husband: Gambia (92.3%), Nigeria (91.3%) and Sierra Leone (92.0%). However, a few also earned more than their husbands: with Sierra Leonean women as the highest (4.6%), next by Gambian (4.0%), and Nigerian (4.4%) women. Very few women earn about same as husband: Sierra Leone (2.3%), Nigeria (3.6%) and the Gambia (1.8%).

Last Twelve Months Experiences of IPVAW

Women reported high frequencies of various forms of IPVAW experienced within the last 12 months preceding survey. IPVAW experiences by type of violence are as follows: physical (Sierra Leone=27.7%; Nigeria=9.1%; Gambia=6.4%), emotional (Sierra Leone=21.0%; Nigeria=15.6%; Gambia=8.2%), and sexual (Sierra Leone 5.5%; Nigeria=3.6%; Gambia=1.1%). Experiencing any of physical, sexual or emotional violence therefore ranged from more than one-third (34.6%) in Sierra Leone (34.6%) to about one-fifth (19.2%) in Nigeria and above one-tenth (12.2%) in the Gambia. Physical violence topped the list of type of IPVAW experienced in Sierra Leone, while in Nigeria and the Gambia, women were more likely to report experiencing emotional violence.

Results of the Multivariate Logistic Regression Analyses

Table 1 presents abridged data on odds ratios [ORs] and adjusted odds ratios [aORs] of women's experiences of wife-beating in each country. The odds ratios refer to result from simple (one variable) logistic regression model; the adjusted odds ratios refer to result from all key variables and control variables fitted into the second model. The results for other control variables are not presented in the table for space limit. [Table 2 in the annex shows results of preliminary bivariate spearman rank correlation conducted]. The relationship between IPVAW experiences and each key independent variable is presented in subsections below.

Witnessing Parental Violence During Childhood and Experiencing IPVAW in adulthood

The study [Table 1] provides consistent evidence that women who experienced parental violence during childhood were significantly more likely to experience violence from their own husband during adulthood across all the countries. The adjusted odds ratios [aORs] and confidence intervals are as follows: Nigeria (aOR 2.2, CI 1.8-2.6, p < 0.001), Sierra Leone (aOR 2.2, CI 1.8-2.8), and the Gambia (aOR 2.5, CI 1.6-4.0, p < 0.00l). Witnessing parental violence significantly increased the likelihood of experience IPVAW in adulthood by about 120% to 150%.

Woman's justification of wife-beating and Experiencing IPVAW

With the exclusion of Sierra Leonean women, women who justified wife-beating (IPVAW) for at least one reason were about 40% (aOR 1.40, CI 1.3-1.6 - Nigeria) to 100% (aOR 2.0, CI 1.3-3.1 - Gambia) significantly more likely to experience it, compared to women who did not justify it. Although this does not mean that women demanded IPVAW because they justified it, rather the result seems to indicate that having tolerant attitudes towards IPVAW, especially supporting wife-beating and blaming IPV victim for violating certain gender roles, may prevent women from seeking redress when they experience abuse in their own lives. In Sierra Leone, the relationship was not significant even in the simple logistic regression model.

Table 1. Reporting multivariate logistic regression of 12 months IPVAW (with bivariate chi-square frequency, [n (%)])

Models n (%) Adjusted odds ratios (aORs)

Independent variables Gambia Nigeria Sierra Leone Gambia Nigeria Sierra Leone

Father ever beat her mother: No (Ref.) 252 (10.8) 541 (27.8) 2679 (16.5) 1 [1-1] 1 [1-1] 1 [1-1]

Yes 64 (23.1) 507 (46.7) 673 (43.3) 2 5*** (1.6 - 4.0) 2.2*** (1.8 - 2.6) 2.2*** (1.8 - 2.8)

Don't know 44 (13.0) 224 (33.8) 307 (24.2) 1.1 1 4** 1.3

X2; 48* X2; 133* X2; 763* (0.7 - 1.8) (1.1 - 1.6) (1.0 - 1.6)

Woman justified IPVAW: No (R.C.) 94 (8.5) 359 (31.6) 1841 (15.6) 1 [1-1] 1 [1-1] 1 [1-1]

Yes 265 (14.4) 914 (35.9) 1818 (24.8) 2.0** 1.4*** 1

X2; 34* X2;11* X2; 232* (1.3 - 3.1) (1.3 - 1.6) (0.8 - 1.3)

Relative income: Woman earn less (R.C.) 330(12.1) 1171 (34.6) 3286 (18.9) 1 [1-1] 1 [1-1] 1 [1-1]

Earns about same 4 (8.2) 29 (34.6) 122 (17.9) 0.7 (0.2 - 2.2) 0.8* (0.6 - 1.0) 1.2 (0.6 - 2.4)

More than him 14 (11.4) 11 (27.2) 194 (30.4) 0.9 1.5** 0.9

X2; 3 X2; 3 X2; 38* (0.5 - 1.7) (1.1 - 1.9) (0.6 - 1.5)

Husband controlling behaviour: None (0) 73 (4.9) 115 (15.1) 527 (7.7) 1 [1-1] 1 [1-1] 1 [1-1]

Low control (1) 123 (15.5) 138 (23.9) 785 (15.2) 3 4*** (2.3 - 5.0) 2.6*** (2.2 - 3.1) 1.9*** (1.3 - 2.6)

Moderate (2) 74 (17.0) 317 (34.6) 1121 (23.7) 3.9*** (2.4 - 6.6) 4.5*** (3.8 - 5.3) 3.1*** (2.3 - 4.1)

High control (3/more) 90 (35.7) 701 (49.3) 1227 (52.3) 10.1*** 11 5*** 5.7***

X2; 274* X2; 288* X2;2500* (6.7 - 15.3) (9.7 - 13.8) (4.3 - 7.5)

Husband drinks alcohol: 350 1010 2387 1 1 1

No (R.C.) (12.0) (32.5) (15.1) [1-1] [1-1] [1-1]

Yes 9 (28.4) 263 (45.5) 1273 (38.3) 3 1.9*** 1.6***

X2;8* X2; 47* X2; 901* (0.5 - 17.1) (1.7 - 2.2) (1.3 - 2.1)

Observations: Unweighted (n) 3,232 20,152 3,922 3,228 20,152 3,922

Observations: Weighted (n) 2,953 20,152 3,922 3,228 20,152 3,922

Notes: R.C.= Referent category; Confidence intervals p<0.05; in parentheses; *** p<0.001, ** p<0.01, *

X2: chi-square; Adjusted odds ratios (aORs) reports estimates for multiple logistic regression odds ratios

Relative Income and Experiencing IPVAW

Women's income relative to husband's did not predict statistically significant relationship in two out of the three countries. Only in Nigeria, earning more than husband predicted increased risks of experiencing IPVAW from him, while, earning about same as him provided some protections. In Nigeria, compared to women who earn less than husband, women who earned about same income as their husband were about 20% (aOR 0.8, CI 0.6-1.0, p < 0.05) less likely, and those who earn more were about 50% (aOR 1.5, CI 1.1-1.9, p < 0.01) more likely to experience violence from him. However, the large confidence interval of women who earn about same as husband extending to 1.0 thus suggest the finding of this women category be taken with caution.

Husband controlling behaviour and Experiencing IPVAW

Consistently across all the countries, women whose husbands manifest controlling behaviours such as being jealous if woman talks to other men, always accusing her of unfaithfulness, not allowing her to meet her female friends and always willing to know where she

is, were, at least, about 90% (Sierra Leone) to 240% (Gambia) significantly more likely to experience actual instances of violence from him, compared to women whose husband never manifest any controlling behaviour. The propensity of a woman experiencing IPVAW from increased with the number of controls husband manifests. For instance, men who manifest at least 3 controls (high) were about 470% (aOR 5.7, CI 4.3-7.5, p < 0.001 - Sierra Leone) to 1,050% (aOR 11.5, CI 9.7-13.8, p < 0.001 - Nigeria) more likely to perpetrate IPVAW; in the Gambia, such men were about 910% (aOR 10.1, CI 6.7-15.3, p < 0.001) more likely, compared to men who never manifest any controlling behaviours.

Husband Alcohol Consumption and Experiencing IPVAW

Without controlling for other covariates, women whose husband drinks alcohol were about 70% to 250% more likely to experience IPVAW from him compared to women whose husband does not. However, after controlling for other variables, alcohol failed to be significant in the Gambia where, as explained early, only a few men drink alcohol. In Sierra Leone (aOR 1.6, CI 1.3-2.1, p < 0.001) and Nigeria (aOR 1.9, CI 1.7-2.2, p < 0.001), men who drink alcohol were about 60% and 90% more likely to perpetrate IPVAW.

Discussion of Findings

The current study examined the magnitude and consistent correlates of male-partner perpetrated IPVAW in three west African countries (Gambia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone), to supplement sparse report on IPVAW in the African contexts. The data revealed that women's experience of any form of physical, sexual or emotional IPVAW in the last 12 months preceding survey ranged from 12.2% in Gambia, 19.2% in Nigeria, to 34.6% in Sierra Leone. Experiences of physical (6.4%, 9.1%, 27.7%), sexual (1.1%, 3.6%, 5.5%) and emotional (8.5%, 15.6%, 21.0%) violence were reported by women, respectively by country.

Among the most consistently reported covariates of IPVAW reported in the previous studies reviewed, and tested in this study, witnessing parental violence during childhood, and husband controlling behaviour were the most consistent factors of IPV across the studied countries. Having a husband who consumes alcohol, women earning about same as husband and women tolerating IPVAW are also positively associated with IPVAW experience.

Common explanations to why women who witnessed parental violence during childhood eventually experience it themselves in their own relationship during adulthood (transgenerational IPVAW) may be because women witnessed parental violence are also more likely to normalize, justify and tolerate it (see Uthman et al. 2011). Using a multilevel structural equation modelling, Uthman et al. (2011) found that 'women that witnessed physical violence were more likely to have tolerant attitudes towards IPVAW and women with tolerant attitudes were more likely to have reported spousal IPVAW abuse' (Uthman et al. 2011).

Again, the finding that women whose husband manifest controlling behaviours such as getting jealous when woman talks to other men or limit her movements were more likely to actually perpetrate IPVAW against her is consistent with findings in Antai (2011) where controlling behaviour is associated with masculine patriarchal gender power manifestation in gender relations

and a precursor to partner-violence among Nigerian men. This study shows that controlling behaviour and IPVAW are strong correlates in the study African contexts in this study.

Husband's alcohol consumption (Abramsky et al. 2011) behaviour and wife's tolerant attitudes towards wife-beating were also covariates of IPVAW, but not consistent across countries. Alcohol failed to predict IPVAW only in the Gambia. This might be because very few men drink alcohol among the Gambian (mostly Muslim) men (only 1.1% drank any alcohol). However, in Sierra Leone and Nigeria where alcohol consumption was common among the men, alcohol was significantly positively associated with IPVAW.

Similarly, relative income was only significant in the Nigerian context, such that women who earn about same as husband were less likely to experience IPVAW, whereas those who earned more than husband were exposed to greater risks of IPVAW, compared to women who earn less than him. The Nigerian context supports Atkinson's (2005) relative resource theory in which status compatibility in income (gender equality) protected women while earning more than husband posed greater risks of IPVAW to women. As earlier explained, men might feel their masculine authority threatened if women earned more and resort to violence as power equalizer.

Social Policy Implications and Recommendations for Interventions

The social policy implications for the findings of this study are numerous and hereby discussed below. First, given that parental violence and husband controlling behaviours emerged the most consistent predictors of women IPV victimization, the following recommendations are worth considering:

• Mass media broadcast of the implications of children witnessing parental violence (intergenerational transmission of violence) should be made public, subjected to public or community discussions, and outrightly condemned. Similarly, various media (including the social media) apparatuses should be employed to discourage attitudes tolerating any form of partner violence or violence against women at large.

• National child right laws prohibiting parental or elderly acts of violence before children either in real time or on the media should be promulgated and enshrined in all policies meant to protect children's rights and interests. A good example of such is the [Nigerian] Child Right Acts of 2003, which though in Part III of its provisions orders the protection of children from sexual violence, child marriage or child labour, but made no provisions for their necessary protection from witnessing parental or elderly violence in the household. Such childhood experiences as shown in this study could negatively influence children's attitudes toward tolerating violence or experiencing it in their own lives during adulthood. Consequently, this study specifically calls for the inclusion of "no-child-present parental violence" clause in any review of the Nigerian Child's Rights Act 2003, and similar Acts promulgated in the Gambia and Sierra Leone.

• Mass reorientation is needed to prevent and discourage men from treating the women in their lives as "property" or "pets" that could be controlled or ordered around. School curriculum, vignettes on national news media (prints or electronic) should be employed in the mass reorientation program. Women are not property but equal partners (help-meet) as men, in both private and public lives.

• Social workers and social policies protecting children and providing real life social supports for children in abusive homes, or homes riddled with parental violence should be made available. Such policies and programs should be empowered to include potentialities for child state adoption services, especially in cases of violent parent(s).

Secondly, given that alcohol predicted increased violence in two out of the three countries studied, the following control measures of alcohol production, distribution, exchange and consumption particularly in relation to preventing IPV victimization of women could be helpful:

• Alcohol disavowal inclination should be criminalized such that alcohol consumption will no longer an acceptable excuse for perpetration of IPV against women. All perpetrators should be held accountable and punishable by law.

• Increasing prices of alcoholic products, age of consumers and reducing quantities imported or produced locally could be a step in the right direction. More proactively, the consumption level of partnered men may be restricted by local laws.

Finally, given that in Nigeria, earning "about same" income as husband/partner significantly returned some protections for partnered-women, compared to their counterparts who either earn less or more than husband/partner, the following social policy implications are potentially important:

• In addition to mass gender value reorientation already mentioned, more women should be given equal employment opportunities and equal remuneration at the workplace as men, given they have similar qualifications. Equality in income can add to the continued demystification of male superiority and female inferiority at the workplace.

• Similarly in Nigeria, the result that women who earned "more than" husband/partner were significantly more likely to experience violence from him compared to women who earned "less than him" offered supports for the backlash hypothesis (Atkinson, Greenstein, & Lang, 2005; Neetha, 2004). Thus, social policy centered on women empowerment should also ipso facto include men's anti-violence orientation campaigns. That way, more male partners might have more favourable attitudes towards female employment or higher income than they.

Arguably, more social policy implications are derivable from the findings and contexts of the current study than those here-mentioned. Interested stakeholders related to each county studied can also review the current study and suggest further recommendations deemed suitable to the sociocultural contexts of their interests.

Conclusion and Recommendation

Intimate partner violence against women (IPVAW) is common in west Africa - more frequent in relationships where husband manifest controlling behaviour, drink alcohol and where women experience violence during childhood, justifies wife-beating and earn more than husbands. These findings suggest the need for proactive measures (discussed above as "social policy implications" ) to combat IPVAW such as sensitization of both sexes against IPVAW justification, socially promote egalitarian gender norms, promulgate policies against IPVAW and protect vulnerable women from IPVAW in the study settings.

Acknowledgement

The author hereby acknowledges the professional advice received from the following supervisors, Professors and Associate professors - Vladimir Aleksandrovich Kozlov (main supervisor), Olga Isupova (co-supervisor), Olga Savinskaya (Director, Sociology), Elena Iarskaia Smirnova (Personal Adviser and Chief Editor), and, Mikhail B. Denisenko (Deputy Director, Demography), at the Institute of Demography and the Doctoral School of Sociology, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russian Federation, as well as the efforts of the peer reviewers and editors. And above all, thanks to God the Giver of Life.

Grant numbers and/or funding information

The author has not applied for nor received any grants for the authorship or publication of this manuscripts.

Conflict of interests

The author hereby declare that he has no conflict of interests towards the publication of this manuscript.

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Appendix

Table 2. Spearman rank correlation of IPVAW by key variables in Gambia, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone

IPV victimization against women Gambia Sierra Leone Nigeria

Key variables:

Woman's IPV acceptance Husband controlling behaviour Parental violence Husband alcohol misuse Age and Education:

Woman's age group -0.0726* -0.1566* -0.0469*

0.0746* 0.1044* 0.0613*

0.1940* 0.2651* 0.2535*

0.1177* 0.1702* 0.1393*

0.0239 0.0712* 0.1927*

Husband's age group -0.0618* -0.1531* -0.0681*

Woman's education 0.0274 0.0224 0.0532*

Husband's education 0.0058 -0.0036 0.0491*

Relative resources:

Relative education 0.021 -0.0117 -0.0194*

Relative age -0.0188 -0.0075 0.0356*

Relative Income -0.0187 -0.0421 0.0115

Household contexts:

Marital status 0.0187 -0.013 0.0557*

Household wealth index 0.0253 0.0498 0.0099

Number of marriages (woman) 0.0295 -0.1054* 0.0425*

Polygyny -0.0177 0.0108 0.0168

Number of children (plus pregnancy) -0.0065 -0.0607* 0.011

Desire for Children -0.0239 -0.0206 0.0368*

Desire for more children -0.0169 -0.0488 0.0212*

Woman's participation in decision-making:

Decision to spend her earnings 0.0302 -0.005 0.0770*

Decision to spend husband's earnings -0.0520* 0.0284 -0.0208*

Decision on woman's healthcare 0.0563* 0.0832* -0.0634*

Decision on large purchases 0.0656* 0.0436 -0.0484*

Notes: * p < 0.05

Приложение Б

Статья 2. «The Nexus of a Husband's Educational Status in Conjunction with Alcohol Consumption on His Tendency to Commit Domestic Violence toward Female Partners in Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan»

Bamidele Ola Journal of Population and Social Studies, Volume 26 Number 4, October 2018: 281 - 304

Многие исследования демонстрируют отрицательную связь между домашним насилием и образованием. Некоторые работы указывают на то, что алкоголь является катализатором более агрессивного поведения мужчин в отношении своих партнерш. Тем не менее, в предыдущих исследованиях не рассматривались перекрестные эффекты образования и употребления алкоголя, чему и посвящается данная работа. В статье на данных стандартизованного опросника о домашнем насилии обследования DHS проводится сравнительный анализ перекрестных эффектов влияния алкоголя и образования на домашнее насилие в Нигерии и 2 странах бывшего СССР (Кыргызстане и Таджикистане). В результате автор делает вывод, что алкоголь является более значимым фактором провоцирующим домашнее насилие и его эффект превышает сдерживающий фактор от наличия образования в выбранных странах.

Journal of Population and Social Studies, Volume 26 Number 4, October 2018: 281 - 304 DOI: 10.25133/JPSSv26n4.020

The Nexus of a Husband's Educational Status in Conjunction with Alcohol Consumption on His Tendency to Commit Domestic Violence toward Female Partners in Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan

1 *

Bamidele Emmanuel Ola

Abstract

Most studies have shown that when men have higher levels of education they are less likely to beat their wives. Some have also shown that consumption of alcohol tends to be a negative catalyst in provoking inebriated males to commit domestic violence against their intimate partners. Thus, understanding the likely causes and/or associated factors of intimate partner violence with ever more concentrated studies is imperative. Studies in the past have not examined four possible categories of husbands to determine a correlation to intimate partner violence: those that are educated and tend to be alcoholics, those that are educated and tend not to drink alcohol, less-educated individuals who tend to be alcoholics, or those that are less educated and tend to not to be alcoholics. Employing the Demographic and Health Survey data for Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, this study has shown the likelihood of each category of husband to perpetrate domestic violence on intimate female parnters in Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan using the multivariate logistic regression at a 95% confidence interval. From the research it has been found that a husband's educational level in and of itself offers no significant correlation to IPV perpetration in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, whereas in Nigeria, educated men were a little more likely to perpetrate IPV compared to men with less education as seen in the following: AOR 1.14, CI 1.021.27; p-value < 0.001. In all, alcoholic men were at least 3 times more likely to commit IPV than nonalcoholic men as suggested in the formula of: CI 3.08-5.56; p-value < 0.001. In Nigeria, men with little or no education, who lived in rural areas and were non-alcoholics were less likely to perpetrate IPV compared to their counterparts in urban areas as suggested by AOR 0.75, CI 0.61-0.93; p-value < 0.01, while alcoholic men with little or no education, who lived in rural areas, showed the strongest proclivity to beat their wives as suggested in AOR 4.37, CI 3.5-5.42; p-value < 0.001. Alcohol seems to outweight the effects of education as an instigator of domestic violence. Its introduction consistently increases the likelihood of IPV and strengthens its statistical significance across sites.

Keywords:

Intimate partner violence; husband; education; alcohol; Nigeria; Kyrgyzstan; Tajikistan

1 Economic Sociology and Demography, Doctoral School of Sociology, Higher School of Economics -National Research University, Moscow, Russian Federation.

* Bamidele Emmanuel Ola, corresponding author. Email: [e-mail]; [e-mail]

Introduction

Background Information

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)2 against women has continued to undermine the wealth, health, wellbeing, productivity, efficiency and opportunities for female victims worldwide (WHO, 2013). With about 37% of all women 15-49 years old having trouble in their relationships and being subjected to harsh and inhumane treatments of beatings, molestation, intimidation, seclusion, hunger, and sexual abuse by their intimate partners, Africa (sub-Saharan) and Asia are at the top of the list in the prevalence of violence against women in intimate relationships (WHO, 2013). In Nigeria, Africa's most populated country, almost one in every two women in partnerships (45 percent) had experienced some form of abuse or violence in their relationships (NPC & ICF Macro, 2009). Similarly, reports of the prevalence of IPV against women in Eastern Europe and Central Asia (EECA) reveal that "26% of women in Eastern Europe and 23% of women in Central Asia" have suffered some form of sexual and/or physical violence from men with whom they are in intimate relationships. Specific to respective countries, 53.8% of Tajik women and 41.9% of Turkish women all reported instances of IPV from their partners (UNFPA, 2015, p. 2). The report concludes that "... levels of VAWG [Violence Against Women and Girls] remain high throughout the [Eastern Europe and Central Asia] region .... A large proportion of women and girls experience various forms of violence. despite some progress [in this region]" with IPV ranking as the most common form of violence experienced and reported by women (UNFPA, 2015, p. 2, 3).

Findings from several studies such as Yoshikawa et al. (2014) in Nepal, Testa et al. (2012) in the Unites States, Decker et al. (2009) in India, and Antai (2011) in Nigeria, have all posited that more than a woman's independent opinions, attitudes and socio-economic conditions, it is the husband's or male partner's attitudes, controlling behavior, and socio-economic characteristics that often exacerbate the proclivity for committing IPV. While this does not discredit the importance and relevance of findings from studies that focused on understanding IPV dynamics through (abused) women's SES, attempts at balancing that knowledge with insights from the male perpetrator's SES could be a step in the right direction toward understanding and enacting social responses for the purpose of minimizing this behavior. Hence, this is the raison d'être of this study.

From previous studies with similar objectives, a number of factors have been found to increase the likelihood of IPV: husbands or partners being "semi-manual skilled" workers3, having little education (Hajian et al., 2014) or no education whatsoever (Ackerson et al., 2008), and those actively engaged in alcohol and/or substance abuse (Bellis et al., 2006; Temple et al., 2008; Abramsky et al., 2011; Hajian et al., 2014; Testa, 2012; Ola, 2017). According to Ackerson

2 Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) is defined as "any behavior within an intimate relationship that causes physical, psychological or sexual harm to those in the relationship." (WHO, 2012). Examples of the types of IPV include physical, sexual, emotional, and economic violence as well as manipulative and controlling behavior against partners. IPV is mostly committed by men against women, although at times it can also be women's violence against men (WHO, 2012). IPV is also common among partners, especially men, in homosexual relationships (Finneran & Stephenson, 2013). However, this study focusses on IPV within heterosexual relationships in three cites: Nigeria (Africa), Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan (Central Asia).

3 Semi-skilled manual workers are workers who do not require specialized trainings or special set of skills to perform their task. They often acquire secondary level education but less than a university degree. Semi-skilled manual workers often perform repetitive tasks. (See Ridell, 2017 at https://esub.com/unskilled-semi-skilled-skilled-labor-defined/)

et al. (2008) and Hajian et al (2014) the higher a husband's level of education the less likely he will commit IPV, but according to Abramsky et al. (2011) and Testa (2012) a husband's alcohol consumption behavior presents a much greater risk factor for committing IPV. It is not known what the outcome would be with a highly educated husband who is an alcoholic. If a husband's highest level of education is treated as a dichotomous variable, the terms "high educated" and "less educated" can be rendered successfully without seeming arbitrary notions. However, if treated as an ordinal variable, the conventional rankings of "no education", "primary education", "secondary education" and "higher education" can be rendered (see USAID, 2013, p. 12).4 As for the husband's alcohol consumption behavior, given the DHS data5 that is employed, it is not possible to extract data on the frequency of a husband's alcohol consumption6. This not withstanding, the result of the interaction of a husband's highest level of education and his proclivity for alcohol consumption provides these possible outcomes: A woman's husband could be (a) "well-educated and alcoholic", (b) "well-educated and non-alcoholic", (c) "low educated and alcoholic", or (d) "low educated and non-alcoholic." But the main question is how the interplay of a husband's highest level of education and his alcohol consumption relate to the likelihood of him perpetrating IPV against his wife.

In addition to measuring a husband's alcohol consumption and his highest level of education, this study has extended the focus to consider the effects of locality or the environment of his residence on the interactions. The reason emphasis is being put on the environment in this study is due to the recent findings of Tranchant and Müller (2017) in their study on domestic and non-domestic interpersonal violence in Ghana in urban and rural locations. According to Tranchant and Müller (2017), the presence of "higher welfare, education and employment outcomes," coupled with "lower alcohol consumption and polygamy" in urban areas has a bearing on domestic and non-domestic violence. It is more likely to occur in rural areas in which social welfare and provisions are less frequent (Tranchant & Müller, 2017). This finding makes rural areas more susceptible for an increased likelihood of IPV experiences. Thus, the next item to be considered is the likelihood of IPV perpetration if a husband is "low educated," alcoholic, and resides in rural areas compared to a husband who is "low educated," alcoholic, and resides in urban areas. It should be noted that residence in urban areas comes with its own potential shortcomings which can become risk factors increasing the likelihood of domestic violence (IPV). For example, due to the neolocal7 characteristic of urban residence a couple often lives alone in nuclear families (Tranchant & Müller, 2017), isolated from parents, relatives, and other members of the extended family (Lanier & Maume, 2009), whose presence at times acts as timely interventions in mediating domestic matters. Thus, without this cusion parrying a couple's misunderstandings, IPV might be more profound in urban settings (Lanier & Maume, 2009; Tranchant & Müller, 2017).

Thus, this paper will examine the interactive effect of three variables as potential factors in the likelihood of perpetrating IPV against a wife or intimate female partner. These are a husband's alcohol consumption, his highest level of education, and place of residence. The result of the

4 See the Standard Recode Manual for DHS 6 from USAID. USAID, that is, United States Agency for International Development (USAID) is the body responsible for the funding and management of the DHS program worldwide. Visit manual here:

www.dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/DHSG4/Recode6_DHS_22March2013_DHSG4.pdfn

5 Individual Recodes of the Demographic and Health Surveys (Domestic Violence Modules) of Nigeria 2013; Kyrgyzstan 2012 and Tajikistan 2012.

6 This data weakness confines us into treating alcohol consumption behavior as a dichotomous variable of "Yes" or "No", that is, husband is either "alcoholic" or "non-alcoholic", respectively.

7 Neolocal residence refers to a residential setting in which couples live alone, separated from the extended family. This is a common characteristic of urban residence.

findings is intended to add to existing literature on a topic which has not been investigated thoroughly — that being a husband or partner's background characteristics on the likelihood of him perpetrating IPV.

Objectives of Study

The aims of this study therefore are to:

1) Estimate the lifetime prevalence of heterosexual intimate partner violence in Nigeria (Sub-Saharan Africa), Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan (Central Asia) based on the most recent DHS data available;

2) Identify how a husband's or partner's highest educational level and proclivity for alcohol consumption influence his likelihood of perpetrating IPV against women;

3) Reveal how the result of the interaction of a husband's highest educational level and proclivity for alcohol consumption and residence on IPV can differ based upon it happening in rural and local environments in Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.

Research Question

From the above, the primary research question of interest is, how the interplay of a husband's highest level of education and his proclivity for alcohol consumption relate to the likelihood of him perpetrating IPV against his wife. This query leads to a matrix of four possible cells as shown in the diagram below:

Table 1: Table matrix of husband's highest educational level and his alcoholic behavior8

Husband's _Husband's highest educational level_

alcohol Low education High education consumption (No education, Primary/Incomplete Secondary) (Complete secondary/ Higher/ Postgraduate) No Low education, non-alcoholic husbands High education, non-alcoholic husbands _Yes_Low education, alcoholic husbands_High education, alcoholic husbands_

One central question to be explored is the likelihood of these four categories on the likelihood of IPV perpetration. And another crucial aspect of this, albeit of lesser importance, is whether the incidents happened more often in rural or uban settings. The study had to determine, for instance, whether women whose husbands have low education, drink alcohol, and reside in rural areas are more or less likely to experience IPV from those husbands than women whose husbands have low education, drink alcohol, and reside in urban areas. The interaction of these three variables chosen for the study (that being the husband's highest educational attainment, his proclivity for alcohol consumption, and his type of place of residence) provides a somewhat complex matrix of categories presented in Table 2 below:

8 Note, Tables 1 and 2 are for simplified pictorial understanding only and do not necessarily represent the model for detailed descriptive and statistical analyses.

Table 2: Categories of husbands based on highest education, his alcohol consumption behavior and place of residence9

Alcohol Low education (No education, Primary/ Incomplete Secondary) High education (Complete secondary / Higher / Postgraduate)

Urban Rural Urban Rural

Nonalcoholic Low education, non-alcoholic, urban husband Low education, non-alcoholic, rural husband High education, non-alcoholic, urban husband High education, non-alcoholic, rural husband

Yes alcoholic Low education, alcoholic, urban husband Low education, alcoholic, urban husband High education, alcoholic, urban husband High education, alcoholic, rural husband

From the above, it can be determined that there are eight categories of husbands.The findings may well extend our knowledge of the complex IPV phenomenon by providing a very real account of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) through the meaningful interaction of these empirical variables.

Theoretical Underpinning and Hypotheses

There is no single universally accepted understanding of the causes and risk factors of IPV, and most of what is known of the IPV phenomenon is from examining the issue through the perspectives of the women who were the victims. But by using a synthesis of the Biopsychosocial Model of McKenry et al. (1995) and the Social Ecological Framework of Heise (1998), it can be hypothesized how certain fundamental husband-related dynamics could influence acts of IPV against women.

The Biopsychosocial model provides a somewhat holistic explanation for IPV. It posits that IPV occurs based on certain complex interrelationships between biological, psychological, and social factors of the persons involved in the violence. Previous studies have sought to understand the causes of IPV in a less objective perspective in which men who commit these acts and are in fact perpetrators are considered as this perpetrators from the onset of the studies. They focused on biological factors including high levels of testosterone in men, drug abuse, and alcohol abuse (McKenry et al. 1995; p.307; Kyriacou et al., 1999), although several reports have also documented that IPV could sometimes precede alcohol and other forms of substance abuse (Campbell, 2002; Butchart & Mikton, 2014). However, the Psychological perspective argues that certain psychological factors such as aggressive behavior, anti-social behavior, stress (post-traumatic disorders), impulsivity, and suspicion, as some of the more paramount catylists of IPV. Many other studies seem to adduce it as the result of a husband's suspicion of his wife's infidelity (Campbell, 2002, p.1332), or the result of indordinate controlling behavior10 (Antai, 2011, WHO, 2013, p. 14). Men who manifest controlling behavior reportedly have a higher likelihood of committing IPV against their female partners. Meanwhile, the sociological perspective explains IPV, in relation to social stress such as

9 Note, Tables 1 and 2 are for simplified pictorial understanding only and do not necessarily represent the model for detailed descriptive and statistical analyses. In Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, only two educational categories were possible due to higher number of representatives: Secondary and Higher education.

10 Controlling behavior here refers to attempts by men to regulate every aspect of their partner's life. They monitor and restrict their freedom of association such as he: "is jealous or angry if she talks to other men", "frequently accuses her of being unfaithful", "does not permit her to meet her female friends", "tries to limit contact with her family" and "insists on knowing where she is at all times".

unemployment, poor negotiation skills when interacting with their partners, declining satisfaction in marriage, weak integration into society, lower incomes, patriarchy or traditional male hegemonic construct, and interactions while under the influence of alcohol (McKenry et al., 1995).

The conjecture of this paper is that higher levels of education reduce the likelihood of a husband or male partner committing domestic violence, and that alcohol usage increases the chances of perpetrating IPV. But how alcohol usage exacerbates IPV amongst males who have higher levels of education is still an issue that is unknown and thus warrants a central focus of this study.

The Social Ecological Model of Heise (1998) provides a basis for understanding how IPV occurrence or perpetration could vary by five11 embedded level factors with each contributing its share towards the potential occurrence of IPV. The five level factors are the individual, the relationship, the community, and societal and socio-cultural level factors (Heise, 1998). Among these, the first level factors, the personal factors, are of primary interest in the present study. Personal factors such as educational attainment, and proclivity for alcohol consumption, can to a large extent influence an individual's behavior in certain circumstances (See Jejeebhoy, 1995; Hui & Wan, 2007). Both factors have also been shown to correspond with a higher likelihood of committing IPV. While a high level of education was found to have a mitigating effect on IPV perpetration in some studies (Jewkes, 2002), alcohol abuse is always a minatory agent in increasing the likelihood of IPV perpetration irrespective of social status and education (Testa et al., 2012).

Also, environmental factors, such as the varied social economic conditions in which one resides could also influence the likelihood of IPV. According to Tranchant & Müller (2017), both rural and urban residents are prone to commit IPV, albeit for diametrically different reasons. Men in an urban residence of Ghana, for instance, seem to be less likely to manifest higher levels of IPV due to some overlapping factors which include reduced levels of stress and alcohol consumption, better education, and better welfare packages, when compared to their counterparts in the rural areas (Tranchant & Müller, 2017). However, that is not to say that men in urban areas do not experience factors that aggravate tendencies that make them prone to these aggressive acts. Research indicates that urban men were more likely to perpetrate IPV when extended family members were absent as found in the rural areas. The conflation of variables regarding education, alcohol, and residence are dynamics that influence this egregious conduct. As the issue is so complicated a clear nexus of alcohol, environment, and educational attainment does not exist.

Research Hypotheses

The only thing that can be stated categorically is that men who justified IPV (Uthman et al., 2011; Yoshikawa et al, 2014), and drank alcohol (Abramsky et al, 2011; Testa et al., 2012; Ola, 2017) were more likely to beat their wives; and those who had higher levels of education were less likely to perpetrate IPV (Jewkes, 2002; García-Moreno et al., 2005; Tranchant & Müller, 2017). But that which is less known is the effect of a husband's educational level and his proclivity for alcohol consumption in the likelihood of commiting IPV. Also, it is not clear

11 Originally, Heise (1998) identified four levels - Personal history, Microsystem, Exo-system and Macrosystem (Heise, 1998, p. 5-7); these were made five for sake of simplification and emphasis (see Thomas, 2016 figure www.researchgate.net/publication/309234749_FIGURE_Social_Ecological_Model.

how this nexus varies based upon rural or urban localities. And as to the extent education and alcohol have a bearing on IPV, the following hypothesis addresses this issue.

Hypothesis 1 - Men who have lower levels of formal education12 but drink alcohol will manifest a higher likelihood of perpetrating IPV against their female partners when compared to their counterparts who have higher formal education but do not drink alcohol.

Hypothesis 2 - Men who drink alcohol, have no formal education, and reside in rural areas will be more likely to perpetrate IPV against their female partners when compared to other categories of men who do not consume alcohol, have no formal education, and are not rural residents.

Methodology

The current study employs the domestic violence module of the Demographic and Health Survey data from Nigeria in sub-Saharan Africa and data from Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan in Central Asia to elucidate the relationship between the interaction of a husband's highest educational attainment and proclivity for alcohol consumption to his likelihood of committing IPV against women. The DHS is a cross sectional survey conducted in mostly low and middle-income countries (LMIC) with funding from the United Stated Agency for International Development (USAID).

Since 1993, the Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) has been conducted every five years in Nigeria as an ongoing attempt to understand the population of its citizens. Only in the last two surveys of 2008 and 2013 were there any attempts to understand the level of domestic violence that occurred in the country. In the 2013 NDHS, 39,948 women who were 15-49 years old were randomly selected using a three-stage sampling selection process (sampling frame ^ clusters/PSU's as designed by the last census ^ households selection from each PSU).13 Out of these women, 21,196 (76.7% of DV module) reported to have ever been partnered; and it was from this group that information was provided on the frequency of domestic violence.

The 2012 Tajikistan Demographic and Health Survey (TjDHS) involved a two-stage sample selection process based on a master sample of enumeration areas created for the 2010 Population Census. This resulted in a total sample of 6,674 households, from which 6,432 households were successfully interviewed, yielding a household response rate of 99 percent

- 98% and 99% response rates in urban and rural settlements, respectively (SA, MoH & ICF International, 2013). From a total of 9,794 eligible women, 9,656 were successfully interviewed

- a 99% response rate (99% in urban, 98% in rural residences (SA, MoH & ICF International, 2013). The domestic violence module was successfully completed by a total of 5,547 (57.5% of total sample) women who were nationally selected. Out of these, 4,093 women reported being in a relationship (25.2% urban, and 74.8% rural) (SA, MoH & ICF International, 2013). This was useful in providing data for the analysis of IPV in Tajikistan that is employed in this study.

12 By "Lower levels of education", we aim to show how progression in educational attainment level influences the likelihood of IPV perpetration. We systematically analyze a progression under findings. However, detailed information about coding is presented under the section with variable coding.

13 (sampling frame clusters/PSU's as designed by the last census households selection from each PSU)

The 2012 Kyrgyzstan Demographic and Health Survey (KgDHS) involved a total of 8,208 households that were randomly selected nationally using a similar 2-stage approach. The PSU questionaires that were used were based on the 1999 Population and Housing Census (NSC, MoH & ICF International, 2013). Of these, 8,208 women were interviewed, giving a response rate of 99.1%. The domestic violence module involved a total sub-sample of 6,022 (73.4% of total) women who were 15-49 years old, among whom 4,361 (72.4%) had were partnered. 34.2% of these women were from an urban residence, and 65.8% were from rural areas (NSC, MoH & ICF International, 2013).

Figiure 1: Summary of sampling procedure per country

In each of the DHS questionnaires, as those that are above, informed consent was obtained from the respondents by specially trained interviewers before proceeding to administer them in consonance with the WHO-proposed research ethical standards (WHO, 2001). The DHS questionnaire was internationally standardized with minor adjustments to reflect local conditions. It was screened, and approved by the ICF (SA, MoH & ICF International, 2013; NSC, MoH & ICF International, 2013; NPC and ICF International, 2014).

Measurements and Coding of Variables

Violence against women was measured in each of the DHS - 2012 KgDHS, 2012 TjDHS, and 2013 NDHS surveys using the Conflict Tactics Scale (Strauss, 1990). The scale measures experiences of three forms of violence: physical violence (less to more severe), and sexual violence and emotional violence (SA, MoH & ICF International, 2013; NSC, MoH & ICF International, 2013; NPC and ICF International, 2014). Physical violence against women from a husband or partner ranges from less severe violence (pushing, slapping, etc.) to severe attacks (i.e. deliberately attempting to choke or burn.). Manifestations of emotional violence include humiliating a female partner in front of others, threatening to harm her or her loved ones, etc. Finally, sexual violence includes being physically forced to have sexual intercourse with the husband or partner, or being coerced into performing sexual acts against her volition.

Dependent Variable

The dependent variable in the current study is a Woman's Experience of IPV. In the current paper, in conformity with international standards of measuring total IPV (SA, MoH & ICF International, 2013; NSC, MoH & ICF International, 2013; NPC and ICF International, 2014), a

woman is said to have experienced IPV if she has ever experienced any physical, sexual or emotional violence from her current or most recent partner.14 Any report of experience of IPV is coded "1". Otherwise, it is "0". In the current study, IPV that has been analyzed is that which took place throughout many years because of the mistreatment of a partner or spouse. It will be referred to as lonterm IPV.

Measuring IPV

IPV15 (Life time) = Women who have experienced less severe physical violence +

Severe physical violence + Sexual violence + Emotional violence

Independent Variables

A husband's characteristics play a prominent role in the variables that influence IPV

1. A husband's highest educational attainment: Two measures of a husband's educational attainment were employed in this study due to wide differences in educational attainment in each of these three countries. Given the fact that very few men in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have "No education" or only "Primary education" - only less than 1 percent of total respondents16 in Kyrgyzstan for instance have not attained up to secondary school level - this study uses three sets of categorization of education. First, two categories of a husband's educational levels are used across the three countries. These are secondary education = 1, and higher Education = 2. The second categorization is necessitated by the fact that the 2013 Nigeria DHS data showed a large number of respondents whose husbands had no formal education or had a primary education. This allowed for possible statistical analysis with these categories used as well in reference to Nigeria.

2. Husband's alcohol consumption: Women whose husband drinks alcohol was coded "1", and those who did not drink alcohol were coded as "0".17

3. Husband's Residence: It is assumed that the respondents share the same residence as their spouses or partners; hence, residence in urban environments is coded as "1" and in the rural environment it is referred to as "2". The referent category therefore is the "Urban" residents.

Statistical Model Fit

For this study three binary multiple regression models with interaction terms were fitted to measure the interactive effects of a husband's alcohol consumption, a husband's highest educational attainment, and place of residence.18 on the proclivity of perpetrating IPV.

That which is presented here is a selection of qualitative explanations of variables controlled for regression19.

14 I employ the lifetime experience of IPV from husband or partner rather than within the 12 months in other to derive a more robust estimate of the lifetime conditions and correlates of IPV in the three countries.

15 IPV here refers to lifetime experience of IPV among ever-partnered women aged 15-49 years.

16 Weighted number.

17 It is not possible to reflect the frequency or degree of husband's alcohol consumption behavior from the current data.

18 See the Appendix.

19 The models are specified in order under the Appendix.

Binary Logistic Regression Models

Models One

A simple binary logistic regression was done involving the interaction of a husband's educational level and alcohol consumption without any main effects.20 This helps in showing the crude relationship between the different variables: the husband's highest educational attainment combined with his alcohol consumption behavior to ascertain the likelihood of him perpetrating IPV against his female partner. The first model is very practical and applicable to the Nigerian context as previously explained21. However, a multiple binary logistic regression model (involving a controlfor some potential IPV factors such as respondent's residence, wealth index or level of poverty, geographical national region resided in, and individual norms or traditional attitude towards IPV) was further conducted. Such a secondary check helps in ascertaining the consistency of the found relationship andreduces the author's chances of arriving at a spurious conclusion.

Model Two

For comparative reasons, the study also used a common measure of an educational level applicable to three countries. Here another simple binary logistic regression was conducted with a different educational category.

Here "Secondary education" entailed no education, primary education, and secondary education. The educational level of the husband was interacted with his alcohol consumption to see its proclivity on perpetration of IPV against women. Further, a secondary check entailing other potential IPV risk factors itemized in Model One above was further conducted.

Models Three and Four

Tests were done on the complex interaction of three variables of interest: the husband's highest level of education, his alcohol consumption behavior, and his place of residence22 to ascertain their influence on IPV. In model 3, the classical educational category was used for Nigeria but in model 4, the second category (already stated in Model Two) was used across all countries.

In all models, the results are presented in Odds Ratios (OR) and Adjusted Odds Ratios (AOR)23. The significant levels thatwere employed for all models were 0.05 or 95% confidence interval.

Conceptual Framework Model Fitted: IPV and Types of Husbands or Partners

Figures 1 to 2 provide a complex framework of the interactions of a husband's socio-cultural, behavioral and demographic characteristics in their connection to potential IPV against women. These are pictorially presented in the diagrams presented below.

20 Svy: logistic Total_IPV husband_educ#husband_alcohol

21 In Nigeria, the variable education takes four categories with the first used as the referent category is "No education", "Primary", "Secondary" and "Higher (tertiary) education".

22 Svy: logistic Total_IPV husband_educ#husband_alcohol#Residence

23 The Odds ratios report the result of simple binary logistic regression without The Adjusted Odds Ratios show the result of the regression analysis after control for other possible husband's socio-cultural factors such as residence, region, age and household wealth index.

Figure 1: Relationship between IPV experience and interaction of husband's highest educational attainment and alcohol consumption behavior in Nigeria(a) and in Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan combined (b)

(a)

B-F- Ola (20181

The diagram in Figure 1 presents eight (8) first sets, types or categories of husbands or partners - using the interaction between their alcohol consumption behavior and their respective highest level of education in Nigeria (a) and (b) differed based on Education Category24.

Figure 2: Relationship between IPV experience and interaction of husband's highest educational attainment, alcohol consumption behavior, and type of place of residence in Nigeria(a) and in Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan combined (b)

24 The two model reflects the current situations of educational attainment in the countries. Nigeria has a relatively higher representation of husbands or partners with No Education or Primary Education only.

(a)

Tyiro ?f P»rtlKr» frs Highly EdMcmion«! \»«inm<rin. VKhqhql (.qnsytnption Pyhavlwr

»ml I \d> ul Plate ul Residente (4)

Alcoholic, No Kducation and Urban Resident

Alcoholic. No Education, und Rural Resident

Alcoholic. Ptinnrt Education, and I rhnn Resident

Non-Alcoholic, No Education und Urban Resident

Non-Alcoholic. No Education, and Rural Resident

Non-Alcoholic. i'rimar\ h iliujilion. und L rban Resident

Mcoholic. Primary Kducation and Rural Resident

Alcoholic. Secondary Kducation and Urban Resident

Alcoholic. Secondary Kducation, and Rural Resident

Perpetration of IPV Against Women

. Non-Alcoholic. Primary Education and Rural Resident

Non-Alcoholic. Secondary Education and Urban Resident

Non-Alcoholic, Secondary Education, and Rural Resident

Alcoholic. Higher Education, and I rban Resident

Non-Alcoholic, Higher Education, and Urban Resident

Alcoholic. Higher Education, and Rural Resident

B E. Ola 1201»)

Non-Alcoholic. Higher Kducation, and Rural Resident

(b)

Tvpes of HusbandvPartncrs by Highest Educational Attainment. Alchohol C'oasumption Behaviour and Type of Placc of Residente ( X)

Alcoholic, Secondary Education and Urban Resident Perpetration of IPV Against Women * Non-Alcoholic, Secondary Education and Urban Resident

Alcoholic. Secondary Education, and Rural Resident Non- Alcoholic. Secondary Education, and Rural Resident

Alcoholic, Higher Education, and Urban Resident Non-Alcoholic. Higher Education, and Urban Resident