Антикоррупция в дискурсах акторов гражданского общества в России тема диссертации и автореферата по ВАК РФ 00.00.00, кандидат наук Кьярвезио Франческа

  • Кьярвезио Франческа
  • кандидат науккандидат наук
  • 2023, ФГАОУ ВО «Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики»
  • Специальность ВАК РФ00.00.00
  • Количество страниц 103
Кьярвезио Франческа. Антикоррупция в дискурсах акторов гражданского общества в России: дис. кандидат наук: 00.00.00 - Другие cпециальности. ФГАОУ ВО «Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики». 2023. 103 с.

Оглавление диссертации кандидат наук Кьярвезио Франческа

Table of content

Problem Statement

Degree of elaboration of the research topic

Research question

Aim and tasks

Personal contribution of the author to the development of the problem and data collection

Theoretical framework

Methodology

Scientific contribution to the subject field and statements to be defended

Conclusions

List of Publications

Approbation of the research results

References

Annex 1. List of interviews and informal conversations

Annex 2. Interview scheme

Appendix 1. Article A

"If one is Orthodox, one should not strive for luxury": political values and the changing strategies of anti-corruption CSOs in Russia"

Appendix 2. Article B 58 "Exploring anti-corruption knowledge on Russia: an analysis of how the context matters"

Appendix 3. Article C 81 "Urban activists from the perspective of anti-corruption: a framing approach"

Appendix 4. Article D 94 "The stagnation of anti-corruption studies on Russia: how to reverse the situation"

Рекомендованный список диссертаций по специальности «Другие cпециальности», 00.00.00 шифр ВАК

Введение диссертации (часть автореферата) на тему «Антикоррупция в дискурсах акторов гражданского общества в России»

Problem Statement

Anti-corruption emerged as a field of study in the 1990s echoing development scholarship in its association of corruption with countries 'transitioning' towards a Western democratic model, such as the post-Soviet republics.1 In these years, international institutions and organizations such as the World Bank and Transparency International began to discursively construct corruption as a problem of expert knowledge, legitimizing a growing 'anti-corruption industry' that promoted universal solutions and programs.2 This approach informed the academic scholarship that framed corruption as a threat caused by the behavior of self-interested individuals that could be reduced by implementing incentive schemes and mechanisms of control.3

In the 2000s, a critical body of scholarship began to dissect the anti-corruption discourse created by international organizations. These works explained how corruption was discursively constructed as a principal-agent problem caused by the absence of a clear distinction between the private and public sphere, overlooking the cultural norms and practices that characterized non-western and (semi)-peripheral countries.4 Attention was also devoted to the local re-articulation of the international discourse revealing the contingency of discourses and conceptions of corruption.5

Recent studies on anti-corruption in Russia contributed to this literature by exploring the discourses created by the government and the opposition, highlighting their association of corruption with high-ranking officials only, and revealing the state's attempt to coopt the

1 Polzer T. Corruption: deconstructing the World Bank discourse.Working Paper No. 01-18, Development Studies Institute, LSE. 2001. Bukovansky M. Corruption is bad: Normative dimensions of anti-corruption movement. Working Paper 2002/5, Australia National University, Canberra. 2002.

2 Sampson S. The anti-corruption industry: from movement to institution. Global Crime. 2010. Vol. 11 № 2. P. 261-278.

3 Bukovansky M. The hollowness of anti-corruption discourse. Review of International Political Economy. 2006. Vol. 13. № 2. P. 181-209.

4 Haller D., Shore C. Corruption: anthropological perspectives. London: Pluto, 2005. Doshi S., Ranganathan M. Towards a critical geography of corruption and power in late capitalism. Progress in Human Geography. 2019. Vol. 43. № 3. P. 436-457.

5 Gephart M. Contested meanings in the anti-corruption discourse: international and local narratives in the case of Paraguay. Critical Policy Studies. 2015. Vol. 9 № 2. P. 119-138. Kajsiu B. A discourse analysis of corruption: Instituting neoliberalism against corruption in Albania, 1998-2005. London: Routledge, 2016. Pertiwi K., Ainsworth S. "Democracy is the cure?": Evolving constructions of corruption in Indonesia 1994-2014. Journal of Business Ethics. 2021. Vol. 173. № 3. P. 507-523. Kiss T., Székely I.G. Populism on the semi-periphery: Some considerations for understanding the anti-corruption discourse in Romania. Problems of Post-Communism. 2022. Vol. 69. № 6. P. 514-527.

opposition's anti-corruption discourse by establishing para-statal civil society organizations.6 Furthermore, the civil society organizations' (CSOs) articulations of anti-corruption in Russia were explored by unpacking different discursive conceptions of corruption and legitimation strategies.7 The present research contributes to this scholarship by analyzing how the international anti-corruption discourse is articulated in Russia by CSOs, civil society initiatives, and self-organized groups engaged (in)directly in the field. Moreover, the study examines how the politicization of the topic by the government and the opposition has influenced civil society's discursive construction of anti-corruption and the local articulation of the international discourse.

The necessity to investigate the different articulations of the international anti-corruption discourse present within Russian civil society emerges if considering the increasing politicization of the topic since the early 2010s and the heterogeneity of actors engaged in this field, two aspects that have only partially been addressed in the extant literature.

Since the early 2010s, allegations concerning electoral fraud and the publication of investigations on corrupt high-ranking officials have caused mass protests in different Russian cities. According to a recent poll, 39% of the Russian population considers corruption and bribery as the country's main problems and a priority for the government's agenda.8 The establishment of anti-corruption initiatives backed by the opposition, in response to the poor results achieved by the government in this field, and their increasing relevance in delegitimizing the state's anti-corruption discourse have led to the politicization of the topic.9

In the 1990s and 2000s, anti-corruption represented a side task for organizations that often received international funding, with the exception of domestic CSOs such as INDEM and the National Anti-Corruption Committee directly operating in the field.10 In the 2010s, new 'local' actors were established, some within the framework of the National

6 Aburamoto M. The politics of anti-corruption campaigns in Putin's Russia: power, opposition, and the All-Russia People's Front. Europe-Asia Studies. 2019. Vol. 71. № 3. P. 408-425. Pavlova E. Corrupt governance: Self-defeating anti-corruption rhetoric and initiatives in Russia. New Perspectives. 2020. Vol. 28. № 2. P. 205-222.

7 Makarova M. Between the State and Civil Society: Anti-corruption Discourse of Movements and Non-governmental Organizations in Russia. Research in Social Change. 2019. Vol. 11. № 3. P. 39-68.

8 Levada Tsentr. Problemy Obshchestva. March 2021. https://www.levada.ru/2021/03/09/problemy-obshhestva/ (Accessed 10.06.22)

9 Pavlova E. Corrupt governance: Self-defeating anti-corruption rhetoric and initiatives in Russia. New

Perspectives. Interdisciplinary Journal of Central & East European Politics and International Relations. 2020. Vol. 28. № 2. P. 205-222.

10 Shelley L. Civil Society Mobilized against Corruption: Russia and Ukraine In: M. Johnston, (eds.), Civil Society and Corruption. Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 2005; - p. 3-21.

Anti-corruption Plans11 approved by the government while others were created by the opposition. Since the mid-2000s the government has increased the regulation of CSOs and, in the 2010s, the laws on 'foreign agents'12 or 'undesirable organizations'13 were approved.14 As a consequence, many civil society actors engaged in this field were forced to stop their activity or to continue operating as non-registered initiatives.15 Besides these organizations, the anti-corruption sector is constituted of actors indirectly engaged in the field, promoting democratic values and offering legal support to citizens.

The extant scholarship on anti-corruption in Russia only partially investigated the consequences of the politicization of the topic and mainly focused on actors directly engaged in the field or on initiatives and organizations that promoted democracy and human rights. However, the literature overlooked the relevance of self-organized urban initiatives in holding local governmental bodies accountable. Studies provided evidence of the role of corruption as a trigger for the mobilization of urban activism in Russia, but the way anti-corruption is articulated has remained unexplored.16

Drawing from the anti-corruption critical scholarship and Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory, in this study the articulation of anti-corruption by different Russian civil society actors is investigated. By applying the concept of 'floating signifiers', this work explores how the international anti-corruption discourse is articulated locally, revealing the discursive struggle occurring within the sector.17

11 Natsional'niy plan protivodeystviya korruptsii 2016-2018 [In Russian.]. Accessed 27 December 2021. http://www. kremlin.ru/acts/bank/40657// Natsional'niy plan protivodeystviya korruptsii 2018-2020 [In Russian.]. Accessed 29 December 2021. http:// kremlin.ru/acts/bank/43253

12 Russian Federal Law No. 121, Federal'nyi Zakon N 121-FZ 'O vnesenii izmenenii v otdel'nye zakonodatel'nye akty Rossiiskoi Federatsii v chasti regulirovaniya deyatel'nosti nekommercheskikh organizatsii, vypolnyayushchikh funktsii inostrannogo agenta', 20 July 2012, available at: https://www.consultant.ru/ document/cons_doc_LAW_132900/. (Accessed June 2022)

13 Russian Federal Law No. 129, Federal'nyi Zakon N 129-FZ 'O vnesenii izmeneni v otdel'nye zakonodatel'nye akti Rossiiskoi Federatsii', 23 May 2015, available at: https://www.consultant.ru/document/cons_doc_LAW_179979/. (Accessed June 2022)

14 The study covers the period between November 2018 and October 2021 and it does not consider the developments that occurred in the period between November 2021 and January 2023.

15 See Articles A and B.

16 Zhelnina A., Tykanova, E. Formal'niye i neformal'niye grazhdanskiye infrastruktury: sovremenniye issledovaniya gorodskogo lokal'nogo aktivizma v Rossii' [Formal and informal civic infrastructure: contemporary studies of urban local activism in Russia]. Zhurnal sotsiologii i sotsialnoy antropologii [The Journal of Sociology and Social Anthropology] 2019. Vol. 22. № 1. P. 162-192. Tykanova E., Khokhlova A. Grassroots Urban Protests in St. Petersburg: (Non-) Participation in Decision-Making About the Futures of City Territories. International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. 2020. Vol. 33. P. 181-202.

17 Laclau E., Mouffe C. Hegemony and socialist strategy: Towards a radical democratic politics. Verso Books, 2014.

The anti-corruption scholarship emphasizes the role of civil society in curbing corruption. In these studies, civil society is conceptualized as separated from the state and the market and representing citizens' interests, a definition that excludes governmental non-governmental organizations.18 However, the present work does not explore the role of civil society in counteracting corruption, but rather its role in discoursively constructing anti-corruption, in re-articulating the main signifiers that constitute the international discourse. For this reason, this research considers the development of civil society engaged in anti-corruption in Russia over time and it comprises para-statal organizations19, organizations part of international networks, organizations and initiatives backed by the opposition, independent local organizations and initiatives, and self-organized groups.

The results of the project were presented in four articles.20 Drawing from the critical literature on anti-corruption, articles B and D explored how academic international and domestic discourses informed the research on Russia, reflecting, on the one hand, the international anti-corruption discourse, and, on the other, the government's discourse. This allowed the distinction of uncovered questions and the development of an analytical strategy that allowed the investigation of the local articulation of the international anti-corruption discourse by civil society. Based on the findings that emerged from this study, and drawing from critical and post-colonial scholarship, article A unpacked the different conceptions of corruption and civil society present in the field, investigating how actors that reproduce and negotiate the international articulation discursively construct their legitimacy in a politicized context where the government and the opposition compete over the fixation of meaning. The articulation of the main signifiers that constitute the international discourse by urban grassroots activists was explored in article C, by applying a framing perspective to reveal how 'expertise' and 'civil society' are re-articulated to legitimize less formal actors in the anti-corruption field.

18 Kaufmann D. Challenges in the Next Stage of Anti-corruption. New Perspectives on Combating Corruption. The World Bank. 1998. P. 139-164.

19 These organizations are registered as общественные организации (obshchestvennye organizatsii).

20 During the Ph.D. program the author was affiliated with the International Laboratory for Social Integration Research, HSE University.

Degree of elaboration of the research topic

The origins of the 'anti-corruption industry' can be traced back to the 1990s, with the systematization and institutionalization of anti-corruption policies, and the construction of the international anti-corruption discourse.21 Snyman explained how, in these years, "changes in the anti-corruption discourse allowed [...] the quantification (of corruption) as a problem of economics"22 that could be reduced with the implementation of standard policies and mechanisms of control. Nonetheless, the poor results achieved by the omnibus programs developed to curb the problem urged scholars to question the universalization of anti-corruption.23 A growing critical body of scholarship began challenging the assumption that corruption has a standard meaning and that can be objectively measured.24 These studies pointed to the fact that corruption is "a category of thought and organizing principle" and that (anti-)corruption articulations are necessarily embedded in particular historical, political, and cultural contexts.25 Studies investigating the 'construction of corruption' focused on the role of international institutions in creating a "consolidated regime of knowledge" that frames corruption as a technical problem.26

Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory was applied by Gebel to unpack the international anti-corruption discourse and detect the key signifiers that constitute it. It emerged how corruption is discursively constructed as caused by the rational and selfish behavior of public officials, therefore, as a problem that can be reduced by implementing incentives and mechanisms of control.27 The key signifiers articulating the discourse correspond to the principles of the 'good uncorrupted society', such as 'transparency', 'accountability', 'integrity', and the instruments necessary to achieve it, such as 'civil society' and legal reforms. Gebel explains how all these signifiers are articulated as necessary for an efficient fight against corruption and the construction of an uncorrupt world. In this context,

21 Sampson S. The anti-corruption industry: From movement to institution. Global Crime. 2010. Vol. 11. № 2. P. 271. Gebel A. C. The ideal within. A discourse and hegemony theoretical analysis of the international anti-corruption discourse. Aberystwyth University, 2012.

22 Snyman R. A. Games of Truth in the age of Transparency: International Organisations and the Construction of Corruption. Journal of Business Ethics. 2022. Vol 181. P. 84-87.

23 Sampson S. The anti-corruption industry: From movement to institution. Global Crime. 2010. Vol. 11. № 2. P. 261-278.

24 Brown, E., Cloke, J. Critical perspectives on corruption: An overview. Critical Perspectives on International Business. 2011. Vol. 7. № 2. P. 116-124.

25 Haller D., Shore C. Introduction - sharp practice: anthropology and the study of corruption In: D. Hallerand Shore, C. (eds.) Corruption: anthropological perspectives. London: Pluto, 2005; - pp. 2.

26 Polzer T. Corruption: deconstructing the World Bank discourse. Working Paper No. 01-18, Development Studies Institute, LSE. 2001. Gebel, A.C. The ideal within. A discourse and hegemony theoretical analysis of the international anti-corruption discourse. Aberystwyth University, 2012.

27 Gebel A.C. The ideal within. A discourse and hegemony theoretical analysis of the international anti-corruption discourse. Aberystwyth University, 2012; - p. 81.

civil society plays a central role in holding actors accountable through advocacy, awareness raising, social mobilization, and promoting the 'right' way to fight anti-corruption. Therefore, civil society is discoursively constructed as important to strengthen accountability, transparency, and integrity while its relevance in increasing the participation of citizens in decision-making processes remains vague. 'Expertise' is also a key element of the international anti-corruption discourse and it is understood as the technical knowledge necessary both to implement the reforms within state bodies and to strengthen civil society. In this way, international organizations are articulated as fundamental for the efficient fight against corruption as they possess the right knowledge as opposed to local actors. Gebel explains how in order to result persuasive and applicable universally, the international discourse is constructed as apolitical and context-sensitive.28

The studies that focused on anti-corruption and civil society in Russia mainly overlooked the context-based meanings attached to anti-corruption and applied an approach that reflected the international and domestic anti-corruption discourses. As a result, scholars affiliated with local institutions offered broad studies on how to improve the National Anti-corruption Plans, focusing on the necessity to establish a partnership between civil society and the state, and omitting to investigate 'foreign agents' and 'undesirable organizations' as they are delegitimized by the government. On the other hand, scholars affiliated with external institutions explored the development of civil society over time and studied the impact of the increasing regulation of civil society on the activities carried out by different actors. Particular attention was paid to the establishment of para-statal organizations with the purpose of creating a 'faux collaboration' with civil society and co-opting the opposition's anti-corruption agenda to reinforce the legitimation of the government.29 (Article A)

In this context, the works of Pavlova and Makarova represent some exceptions as they investigated the discursive construction of anti-corruption by different actors in Russia. Pavlova argued that, in the domestic debate, corruption is usually framed as 'a system for the redistribution of goods' or as an instrument used by the opposition to delegitimize the government, overlooking and justifying the corrupt practices spread among citizens, and

28 Gebel A.C. The ideal within. A discourse and hegemony theoretical analysis of the international anti-corruption discourse. Aberystwyth University, 2012.

29 Zaloznaya M., Reisinger W. M., Claypool V. H. When civil engagement is part of the problem: Flawed anti-corruptionism in Russia and Ukraine. Communist and Post-Communist Studies. 2018. Vol. 51. № 3. P. 245-255. Aburamoto M. The politics of anti-corruption campaigns in Putin's Russia: power, opposition, and the All-Russia People's Front. Europe-Asia Studies. 2019. Vol. 71. № 3. P. 408-425.

limiting the possibility to address corruption as a collective action problem.30 This has led to "a very deep gap in the anti-corruption discourse: the willingness to combat corruption coexists with corruption in everyday life"31. Makarova analyzed the discourses of three organizations in Russia exploring the different articulations of the causes of corruption and instruments to curb it, and the legitimization of strategies.32 Nonetheless, this study does not investigate how the international discourse is articulated locally and it does not include civil society actors indirectly engaged in the field.

The international scholarship on anti-corruption discourses explored the 'translation' of anti-corruption projects at the local level revealing how they can be used by civil society actors to discoursively legitimize their role as mediators between citizens' interests and the government. The success of the activities carried out is constructed to maintain a relationship with donors, although the efficacy of the international discourse is contested in non-official accounts.33 These works explained how local articulations that dislocate the international discourse are embedded in wider domestic discourses and can construct non-democratic models of anti-corruption.34 Scholars demonstrated how the meanings attached to anti-corruption are contingent and they can be manipulated to establish populist articulations that delegitimize the corrupt elites, accusing them of refraining the country from 'transitioning towards modernity'.35

The present work contributes to the debate on anti-corruption in Russia drawing from the critical literature that investigated the international anti-corruption discourse and its articulation at the local level in different countries. Applying Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory which considers discourse as always open to contestation, the study explores how key signifiers are invested with new meaning locally, and how some signifiers acquire specific relevance within articulations.

30 Pavlova E. The Russian Federation and European Union against corruption: A slight misunderstanding?. European Politics and Society. 2015. Vol. 16. № 1. P. 117-118. Pavlova E. Corrupt governance: Self-defeating anti-corruption rhetoric and initiatives in Russia. New Perspectives. Interdisciplinary Journal of Central & East European Politics and International Relations. 2020. Vol. 28. № 2. P. 205-222.

31 Pavlova E. The Russian Federation and European Union against corruption: A slight misunderstanding?.

European Politics and Society. 2015. Vol. 16. № 1. P. 118.

32 Makarova M. Between the State and Civil Society: Anti-corruption Discourse of Movements and Non-governmental Organizations in Russia. Research in Social Change. 2019. Vol. 11. № 3. P. 39-68.

33 Di Puppo L. Anti-corruption interventions in Georgia. Global crime. 2010. Vol. 11. № 2. P. 220-236.

34 Gephart M. Contested meanings in the anti-corruption discourse: international and local narratives in the case of Paraguay. Critical Policy Studies. 2015. Vol. 9. № 2. P. 119-138.

35 Kiss T., Székely I.G. Populism on the semi-periphery: Some considerations for understanding the anti-corruption discourse in Romania. Problems of Post-Communism. 2022. Vol. 69. № 6. P. 514-527.

Похожие диссертационные работы по специальности «Другие cпециальности», 00.00.00 шифр ВАК

Заключение диссертации по теме «Другие cпециальности», Кьярвезио Франческа

Conclusion

The examination of domestic publications makes the distinction of an evolution of the field of study difficult as the production of knowledge has not changed significantly over the years. However, three important characteristics emerge the production of legal analyses and technical works that do not include empirical research or contribute to the theoretical advancement of the field of study, the focus on the policies and strategies implemented by the government that reinforce its central role, and the rarity of reference to the laws on the third sector that limit the impact of non-governmental organizations. If we compare these works with those offered by scholars affiliated with external institutions, we notice how the latter

have moved to a more sector-based approach over the recent years, trying to disclose the impact of anti-corruption campaigns and the processes behind official policies. Although domestic legal studies provide analyses of the laws and strategies approved, often criticizing their looseness and highlighting the necessity of strengthening transparency among governmental agencies, the lack of in-depth contributions from social scientists impedes the advancement of the field of study. Considering the domestic group of studies as a whole, little can be understood of what is actually anti-corruption in Russia, which processes take place behind policies, and what the role played by the third sector is

It is difficult to foresee if any evolution in focuses and research methods will occur among local scholars since, at present, they seem to be constrained by a specific academic environment, the establishment of a national anti-corruption discourse, and the incremental increase in the control exercised over the third sector by the state. The politicization of the anti-corruption sector limits both the research agenda and the methods applied, separating domestic scholars from the global debate. In fact, this situation has led to the creation of a boundary between external and domestic knowledge production, which impedes a dialogue and contributes to the isolation of local scholars, especially social scientists.

Список литературы диссертационного исследования кандидат наук Кьярвезио Франческа, 2023 год

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